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MYANMAR: Immediate need for fair trial and remedies

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Scoop: During the three year period of new Myanmar Government, new political reforms have been taking place. The authorities stopped censoring the media in June 2012 and also allowed private news media groups to print newspapers in April 2013. As people in Burma only had state owned newspapers for the previous decade, elderly journalists and society of media appreciated this with welcoming heart. Today, news outlets can freely debate political issues and human rights abuse cases that they could not discuss during the military dictatorship, not because they were afraid of but because they could not get published. Even after they stopped censorship, prosecution of the government started to bring journalists in accordance with applicable laws.

On 10 July 2014, four Journalists and a Chief Executive Director of Unity weekly news journal were sentenced to 10 years imprisonment with hard labour under Section 3(1)(a) the “Burma Official Secrets Act 1923” because of article on an army own factory. The Asian Human Rights Commission has already issued an urgent appeal on this case (AHRC-UAC-066-2014). As the responsible officer of the factory said, in court, that the factory is not a chemical weapon factory, there is no evidence that the accused sent documents to other powerful country and there is no signboard or any gazette order which shows the place is prohibited, it is obvious that the journalists committed no crime under the law under which they were charged.

The president in a radio speech on July 7 indicated that “the media is one of the freest in South-East Asia”. However, he warned if any media exploits press freedom to endanger national security rather than for the good sake of the country, it will face effective action under the existing law. According to his threat, the practical procedure will be to sentence journalists to periods of imprisonment, even up to or exceeding ten years, like the Unity five.

In addition to the Unity case, the chief editor and two members of the editorial board of the Bi Mon Tae Nay (Noon) weekly news journal have also been prosecuted for an article it published. The authorities opened a case against them under Section 5(j) of the Emergency Provisions Act. Although on 20 March 2014 the government enacted a new media law, the journalists had action brought against them under another existing law that can punish them with long-term imprisonment. Protesting the move, more than 50 news journalists were also prosecuted for a silent demonstration to the president, wearing T-shirts with the sticker ‘Stop Killing Press’ and taping their mouths. The journalists are trying to get remedies for their colleagues and for the freedom of expression. Although they have been prosecuted in different ways, they still are fighting to stop oppression of the media.

According to the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar, every citizen shall be free to express and publish freely their convictions and opinions, and to assemble peacefully without arms. Yet, citizens in Burma still cannot get chances to practice these rights without fear of punishment. As the judicial system is not yet independent, the decisions of judges in these matters are controlled by government authorities: same as during the former decades of military dictatorship. The highest punishment against journalists indicates that there is no robust freedom of expression in Burma yet, and that the government is threatening the entire media not to dare to write against it.

The Asian Human Rights Commission calls for the immediate release of the journalists who have been sentenced to 10 years’ imprisonment and to halt the prosecution of the 50 other journalists. The AHRC also condemns the colonial-era act the Government of Myanmar has used to prosecute the Unity journalists and calls for its revocation. Lastly, the AHRC also calls for transparency in judicial affairs without any interference by the government on the judges deciding in criminal cases.

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1407/S00213/burma-myanmar-immediate-need-for-fair-trial-and-remedies.htm

Calroline Explained Breaking up with Htoo Aye Linn

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အခုလတ္တေလာမွာ အႏုပညာလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြက ဂ်ာနယ္၊ မဂၢဇင္းေတြအတြက္ ဓာတ္ပံုရိုက္ေပးတယ္။ ဗီစီဒီသီခ်င္းေတြ ရိုက္ေပးျဖစ္တယ္။ သဲရဲ႕တကိုယ္ေတာ္ေခြအတြက္ အသံသြင္းတာေတြ လုပ္ေနတယ္။ သဲရဲ႕ တကိုယ္ေတာ္အေခြကို ၂၀၁၅မွာ ပရိသတ္လက္ထဲကို ပို႔ေပးႏိုင္ေအာင္ ႀကိဳးစားေနပါတယ္။ သီခ်င္းေတြကေတာ့ အမ်ိဳးစားအစံုပါပဲ။



ငယ္ငယ္ကတည္းက၀ါသနာပါခဲ့တာက သီခ်င္းဆိုတာပါ။ ေမာ္ဒယ္လ္အလုပ္ကေတာ့ အရင္ဆံုးလုပ္ျဖစ္သြားတာပါ။ သီခ်င္းဆိုတာက ဘုရားေက်ာင္းမွာေရာ ခရစၥမတ္ပြဲေတြမွာလည္း ဆိုျဖစ္တယ္ေလ။ ေမာ္ဒယ္လုပ္ရင္းကေန ဗီစီဒီရိုက္၊ သီခ်င္းေတြရိုက္ရင္းကေန ကိုယ့္သီခ်င္းအေခြေလးပါ လုပ္မယ္ဆိုၿပီး လုပ္ေနတာပါ။

သဲနဲ႔ အဆိုေတာ္ထူးအယ္လင္းႀကိဳက္သြားတာက သဲစိတ္ကို အလိုလိုက္ျပီး ျဖစ္သြားတာပါ။ အခုေတာ့ ဘာမွမဟုတ္ေတာ့ပါဘူး၊ ဘာမွမရွိေတာ့ပါဘူး။ အမွန္တကယ္ေတာ့ သူတို႔အိမ္ေထာင္ေရးကြဲတာ သံုးႏွစ္ရွိပါၿပီ။ သဲနဲ႔က သဲေမြးေန႔ၿပီးတဲ့အခ်ိန္ ၃၁၊ ၈၊ ၂၀၁၃ ၿပီးမွ သူနဲ႔ေတြ႕တာပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သဲရဲ႕အခ်စ္ေရးက ၿပီးသြားပါၿပီ။ သဲကို ပရိသတ္သိသြားတာ အဆိုေတာ္နဲ႔ႀကိဳက္လို႔ သိသြားတယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ထင္တာပဲ။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ေထြေထြထူးထူးေတာ့ ေျဟစရာမရွိေတာ့ပါဘူး။

အခုေလာေလာဆယ္ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာ ဆိုရင္ နာမည္ႀကီးအဆိုေတာ္တေယာက္ျဖစ္ခ်င္တယ္။ အခုေရာက္ေနတဲ့ လက္ရွိအေနအထားက ကိုယ့္ဘာသာကိုယ္ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ရတာဆိုေတာ့ အဆိုဖက္ကိုလည္း အေကာင္းဆံုးႀကိဳးစားသြားမွာပါ။ အမွန္တကယ္ေတာ့ ေမာ္ဒယ္လ္အလုပ္ကို ႏိုင္ငံျခားေမာ္ဒယ္ေတြလို ျဖစ္ခ်င္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သဲလုပ္တဲ့အခ်ိန္က ေနာက္က်ေနၿပီေလ။ ရႈိးပြဲအႀကီးေတြ လာကမ္းလွမ္းရင္ေတာ့ ေလွ်ာက္မွာပါ။

သဲက ဘ၀ကို လြတ္လြတ္လပ္လပ္ေပါ့ေပါ့ပါးပါးနဲ႔ ေကာင္းေကာင္းမြန္မြန္ ေနထိုင္တာကိုပဲ သေဘာက်တယ္။ မိန္းကေလးတေယာက္မွ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဘယ္သူမဆို လူဆိုတာ ဘ၀မွာ အေကာင္းဆံုးေတာ့ ေနထိုင္ခ်င္ၾကတာပါပဲ။ ၾကည့္တဲ့အျမင္ခ်င္း မတူၾကတာပါ။ လူတေယာက္ကို အ၀တ္အစားၾကည့္ၿပီး ဆံုးျဖတ္လို႔မရပါဘူး။ သဲက မဟုတ္တာလည္း ဘယ္ေတာ့မွမလုပ္ဘူး။ စိတ္ကိုခ်ဳပ္တည္းရတာကိုလည္း မႀကိဳက္ဘူး။

ဘ၀မွာ အဓိကက်တာေတြကေတာ့ ေျဟရရင္ အမ်ားႀကီးပါပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘ၀ရပ္တည္မႈအတြက္ ေငြေရးေၾကးေရးက အဓိကက်ပါတယ္။ သဲဆိုရင္ လက္တြဲေခၚမယ့္သူမရွိေတာ့ ကိုယ္တိုင္ပဲႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ရတာပါ။ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္မွာ အႏုပညာအလုပ္ေတြကိုပဲ အာရံုစိုက္ၿပီး လုပ္ေနပါတယ္။ ကိုယ္အခုေနထိုင္ရတဲ့ဘ၀ကို အားရေက်နပ္မႈရွိတယ္ေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ လုပ္သလိုမျဖစ္ေတာ့လည္း ျဖစ္သလိုေနၿပီး ျဖတ္သန္းေနရတဲ့ဘ၀ပါပဲ။

ဗဟုသုတအေနနဲ႔ေတာ့ သဲက စာသိပ္မဖတ္ျဖစ္ဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တရားေခြေတြ နားေထာင္တယ္။ စာဖတ္တာေတာ့ နည္းတယ္ေျဟႏိုင္တယ္။ ႀကံဳေတြ႕လာရတာေတြေတာ့ မ်ားပါတယ္။

သဲက ေဘာလံုးကစားတာ ၀ါသနာပါေတာ့ ကစားခဲ့တယ္။ ကယားျပည္နယ္လက္ေရြးစင္အေနနဲ႔ ကစားခဲ့တယ္။ တိုက္ကြမ္ဒိုကို ျမန္မာ့လက္ေရြးစင္အထိ ေရာက္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေဘာလံုးကေန တိုက္ကြမ္ဒိုေျဟင္းကစားခဲ့တယ္။ ျမန္မာ့လက္ေရြးစင္ေဟာင္းတေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ ၀န္ႀကီးဌာနပြဲေတြဆိုရင္ေတာ့ ၿပိဳင္မွာပါ။

အားကစားကို ထူးခၽြန္ေအာင္ ထပ္မလုပ္ျဖစ္တာက မေလး သြားမယ့္ႏွစ္မွာ အရမ္းပင္ပန္းၿပီး ေရွာ့ခ္ျဖစ္သြားလို႔ ေၾကာက္ၿပီး က်န္းမာေရးေၾကာင့္ နားလိုက္တာပါ။ ျမန္မာ့လက္ေရြးစင္ျဖစ္ရတာ အရမ္းပင္ပန္းတယ္။ တရက္ကို Training ေလးခါေတာင္ ဆင္းရတာေလ။ က်န္းမာေရးအဆင္မေျပလို႔ နားလိုက္ရတာပါ။

သဲရဲ႕လူငယ္ဘ၀မွာ ေက်နပ္စရာေတြေတာ့မ်ားပါတယ္။ သဲဘ၀မွာ ႀကိဳးစားခဲ့ရတာေတြ မ်ားပါတယ္။ လူငယ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ဘ၀မွာႀကိဳးစားမႈဆိုတာက အမ်ားႀကီးလိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ လူငယ္တေယာက္အေနနဲ႔ဇြဲရွိဖို႔ရယ္၊ ႀကိဳးစားမႈရွိဖို႔ရယ္ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ အဓိကကေတာ့ လူတိုင္းမွာ ႀကိဳးစားမႈရွိဖို႔လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ အႏုပညာအလုပ္မွာ ကံ၊ ဥာဏ္၊ စန္း၊ လံု႔လ၊ ၀ီရိယ အကုန္လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။ ပိုက္ဆံရွိလို႔ အႏုပညာအလုပ္လုပ္ေပမယ့္ မေပါက္တဲ့သူေတြလည္း အမ်ားႀကီးရွိပါတယ္။ လူငယ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ အလုပ္လုပ္မယ္ဆိုရင္ အခ်ိန္ေလးစားမႈ၊ ဘယ္အရာကိုမဆို ေလးစားတဲ့စိတ္ရွိဖို႔ လိုအပ္ပါတယ္။

Credit to ျမတ္သူေအာင္ (Irrawaddy)

Slow Connectivity at the India-Myanmar Border

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“It won’t take more than three hours, the road is very good, better than our airport runway,” was how the hotel manager in Kalaymyo reacted when I told him that I was planning to drive to the India-Myanmar border. Locals enjoy the highway’s smooth surface, noticeably different than most of the other roads in the area, but it is lightly traveled. The India-Myanmar Friendship Road has underwhelmed expectations since it was conceived by the Indian government in 1993. This is mostly due to the fact the Burmese government failed to upgrade the 71 single-lane bridges along the highway, as promised in the original agreement.

The Friendship Road has yet to become the busy trade route it was envisioned to be, although this appears set to change with recent noises out of New Delhi that engagement with Burma is a priority for the newly minted Narendra Modi government. The long-planned Moreh-Mandalay bus route is set to begin operation this October, and the India-Burma-Thailand Trilateral Highway is expected to be fully operational by 2016.

Friendship Road

Originally proposed as India’s first “Look East Policy” engagement with Burma, construction of the India-Burma Friendship Road (also known as the Tamu-Kalaymyo-Kalewa highway) started in 1997. A 320-strong workforce from India’s Border Roads Organization completed the widening and paving of the highway in November of 2000. The US$30 million for the highway came entirely from the Indian Ministry of External Affairs.

The highway was seen as important for improving cross-border trade. But there were M-T01 certainly also security considerations at a time when the Indian Army was fighting a number of insurgent groups who were active in the border area. The new highway meant Burma Army troops were better able to assist the Indian Army in its fight by gaining quicker access to areas used by the insurgent groups. The Indian security establishment’s desire for Burmese assistance fighting insurgents was one of the key reasons for India’s policy shift toward Burma in the early 1990s. With the emergence of the “Look East Policy” in 1993, India moved from a principled support for the Burmese democracy movement to a strategy based on mutual security cooperation.

The Trilateral Highway

Economic cooperation and trade is the other pillar of the “Look East Policy.” The 3,200-km Trilateral Highway project—of which the Friendship Road is one part—is seen as crucial for India to expand trade with Burma and the rest of Asean. India has been the driving force behind the development of the Trilateral Highway. In 2012, India provided Burma with a $500 million line of credit to be used for the upgrade of the 1,600-km Burma section of the highway. Other sections of the highway are being financed by the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, as it is envisioned as part of an Asean East-West Corridor. At the India-Asean summit in October 2013, former Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh proposed extending the Trilateral Highway eastward to ports in Cambodia and Vietnam.

It has recently been announced that the India-Burma-Thailand Trilateral Highway will open for business in 2016. But given the experience of the India-Burma Friendship Road, this estimate may be optimistic.

A Highway Is Only as Wide as Its Bridges

The original agreement for the construction of the Friendship Road was that the Indian government would be responsible for widening and repaving the existing highway, while the Burmese government would upgrade the old and decrepit single-lane bridges. This never happened.

The Burmese government has been dragging its feet since construction of the Friendship Road began in 1997. By 2013 the Indian government decided it had waited long enough, and a new agreement was drafted whereby India would take responsibility for upgrading the 71 single-lane bridges.

Driving along the highway in early 2014, it is clear why India was getting impatient. The once brightly-painted and optimistically-worded concrete signs posts installed along the highway to celebrate its completion were peeling and crumbling. Nearly 15 years after it was “opened,” the India-Burma Friendship Road has yet to reach its full potential.

Common sense says that a highway is only as wide as its bridges. With 71 single-lane bridges along the 160-km stretch, there is the potential for traffic to slow to a halt every 2.25 kms. Most bridges are so narrow that only one vehicle can cross at a time. Some of the bridges are so frail that trucks over 13 tons are directed to drive down a dirt road beside the bridge, and cross directly through the water flowing below.

It is a feat that proves difficult during the monsoon season, making the highway basically impassable for a certain class of truck six months of the year.

Ethnic Leaders Arrive for Laiza Ceasefire Talks

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DVB: Representatives of various ethnic armed groups arrived at the headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) in Laiza on Monday for a conference on the nationwide ceasefire.

Many observers expect the Laiza talks to have significant bearing upon the peace process in Myanmar.

The Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), made up of 16 ethnic militias, is due to sit for negotiations in the Sino-Burmese border town on 24– 26 July, when they will review and discuss terms and conditions for a ceasefire that could end decades of war with Burmese government forces.

“First and foremost, we look to review the nationwide ceasefire draft and stipulate conditions for its signing,” said Gen. Gun Maw, the deputy commander-in-chief of the KIO’s armed wing Kachin Independence Army, and the main negotiator for the hosts at the talks.

“We must also include a work plan for future political dialogue after a ceasefire is reached.”

He confirmed that the All-Burma Students’ Democratic Front and other non-NCCT actors have been invited to the talks in Laiza.

“We invited both NCCT and non-NCCT members, and are looking to engage with delegations from non-NCCT groups after and on the sidelines of the members’ group meeting.”

Representing the Mon, the Karen, the Karenni, the Shan, the Kachin, the Chin and the Arakanese Buddhists, the NCCT is the most comprehensive alliance of ethnic actors to assemble in recent history. The most notable exclusions are the Shan State Army-South and the United Wa State Party.

The NCCT was formed at a meeting in Laiza on 30 October 2013. It held its second conference at the Karen National Union’s (KNU’s) headquarters at Law Khee La in January this year.

The KNU’s General-Secretary Saw Kwe Htoo Win said, “We believe that [this meeting] will bring us closer to reaching a nationwide ceasefire.”

http://www.dvb.no/news/ethnic-leaders-arrive-for-laiza-ceasefire-talks-burma-myanmar/42651

Heavy rain, flooding predicted for coastal areas

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Many areas in lower Burma, including Rangoon, will experience heavy rains and flooding in the week ahead due to the seasonal monsoon, according to the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology.

The department’s deputy-director, Kyaw Lwin Oo, said the formation of low pressure zones in the Bay of Bengal will bring heavy rainstorms to Burma’s coastal regions – Rangoon, Irrawaddy and Tenasserim divisions, and Arakan, Mon and Karen states – in the next few days.

“Until now, the country has not experienced extraordinary rainfall this year. But usually the monsoon gets stronger around the second and third weeks of July, fuelled by westerly tropical storms,” he said.

The met office predicted the monsoon will weaken around 23 July, followed by a succession of low pressure zones in the following days.

Rainstorms throughout July caused flooding in several areas including the Arakanese beach resort of Sandoway, officially known as Thandwe.

A family of seven, including three children, were killed in a landslide caused by heavy rain in the Shan border town Tachilek on 13 July.

http://www.dvb.no/news/heavy-rain-flooding-predicted-for-coastal-areas/42659

Damaged fibre optic cable disrupts internet services

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Mizzima: State-run internet service provider Myanma Post and Telecommunications says a damaged fibre optic cable in Bago Region was to blame for slow connection speeds throughout Myanmar on July 22.

A senior MPT engineer, U Saing Saw Lin Htun, said a bulldozer damaged the fibre optic cable between Bago and Waw on July 21.

U Saing Saw Lin Htun said MPT technicians were sent to the area when they became aware that the cable had been damaged.

He said damage to the cable was repaired by 8.55pm on July 21 and internet connections should return to normal.

Speaking to Mizzima from Nay Pyi Taw on July 22, U Saing Saw Lin Htun said internet connections in the capital were normal, despite internet users complaining of disruptions in Yangon.

“I have been checking my emails all day with absolutely no problems,” U Saing Saw Lin Htun said.

“It must be your service provider in Yangon,” he said.

“MPT connections are all fine, so perhaps you should file a complaint to your service provider.”

U Myo Myint Nyunt, a marketing manager at internet service provider, Redlink, told Mizzima on July 22 that he doubted that MPT had completely solved the problem.

“The connection is very slow today and has obviously not returned to normal,” U Myo Myint Nyunt said. “I don’t believe they fixed it 100 per cent.”

Myanmar has two fibre optic cables that provide cross-border connections from Thailand and China, with a third undersea cable from Singapore.

http://mizzima.com/mizzima-news/myanmar/item/11855-damaged-fibre-optic-cable-disrupts-internet-services

UN's new special rapporteur on Myanmar discusses IDPs during visit to Kachin State

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Mizzima: United Nations special rapporteur Ms Yanghee Lee discussed people displaced by conflict, land mines, land grabs and rape in talks with government officials during a trip to Kachin State on July 21 as she continued her first visit to Myanmar since her appointment.

The topics were discussed when Ms Lee met Chief Minister U La John Ngan Hsai and other state government ministers, Kachin State Social Affairs Minister Daw Bautgyar told Mizzima after the talks.

U La John Ngan Hsai told Ms Lee that land grabs were not an issue in Kachin State because of the conflict there, Daw Bautgyar said.

After the talks in the state capital, Myitkyina, Ms Lee travelled to Waingaw and Bhamaw townships to meet people displaced by the conflict in Kachin State, a UN official said.

He said Ms Lee would continue her visit to Kachin State on July 22 but gave no further details.

Ms Lee arrived in Myanmar on July 17 and is due to give a news conference at the end of her visit on July 26.

The itinerary for Ms Lee's visit has also included trips to Nay Pyi Taw, Yangon and Rakhine State.

Ms Lee, a South Korean human rights expert, was appointed in June to succeed Mr Tomas Ojea Quintana, who ended a six-year stint as special rapporteur in May.

http://mizzima.com/mizzima-news/myanmar/item/11854-un-s-new-special-rapporteur-on-myanmar-discusses-idps-during-visit-to-kachin-state

Myanmar: Has the ‘Frontier’ Economy’s Time Finally Arrived?

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Leveraging their longtime presence and hefty government backing, Japanese businesses eager to hedge their risks in China and find new offshore production bases and markets are rushing into Myanmar, setting up factories and taking on mentoring roles across a wide range of industries, from stock trading to rice growing. This latest economic “frontier,” is all about the country’s potential — consultancy McKinsey estimates Myanmar’s current GDP at only 0.2% of Asia’s total, about the same size as those of New Delhi or Johannesburg.

Myanmar’s opening to foreign investment with the end of sanctions imposed by Western governments against the former military-led regime was well-timed: Just as the new leadership in Yangon, Myanmar’s largest city, was looking for a way to reduce growing Chinese sway over the economy, Japan’s new leadership, under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, was seeking a foothold in a new emerging market. Countering the regional influence of China, given Tokyo’s frictions with Beijing over a territorial dispute, was an added bonus for the Abe government.

“The current investment opportunities [in Myanmar] are in pre-manufacturing, and more along the lines of infrastructure and agriculture,” says Edwin Keh, a lecturer in Wharton’s operations and information management department. A former chief operating officer of Walmart global procurement, Keh previously managed a consulting group that worked with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Myanmar.

Myanmar’s opening has brought on something akin to a “gold rush” of Japanese business people looking for opportunities. In 2013, some 66,187Japanese visited the country, triple the figure two years earlier. But Japanese businesses, aware that good intentions are no guarantee of success, are approaching Myanmar with caution. So far, Japanese private corporate investment in Myanmar is still mainly confined to big infrastructure projects and logistics, and other services.

“Myanmar investments by Japanese are still small because of the infrastructure problems, such as shortage of electricity and a lack of proper industrial parks for company set-up,” notes Eitaro Kojima, an expert on Myanmar and acting director of the Asia and Oceania Division at the Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO). “Moreover, the country lacks clarity of legal systems and various rules and regulations,” adds Kojima, who worked in Yangon as head of JETRO from 2007 to 2011.

In these early days, it is the biggest Japanese corporations — huge trading houses like Mitsubishi Corp., Marubeni Corp., Mitsui & Co. Ltd. and Sumitomo Corp. — that have been moving aggressively ahead since the sanctions were lifted and Tokyo forgave billions in Myanmar debt, clearing the way for fresh borrowing.

A Long History

Japan has a long history in the country, dating back to its invasion during World War II, which was followed by a period of war reparations and development projects. Those projects were frozen after the crackdown in 1988, when the military fired on pro-democracy protesters. But many of the bigger Japanese companies kept a presence in Yangon while awaiting better times.

The scale of involvement [in Myanmar by Japan] dwarfs that from the U.S. or Australia.” –Sean Turnell

Within two weeks after Abe took office in late December 2012, Finance Minister Taro Aso was in Yangon, standing posed with his hand pointing forward during a visit to the Thilawa trade zone, which is being built by a Japanese-Myanmar joint venture. Marubeni, Mitsubishi and Sumitomo hold a joint 49% share of the company running the zone. Hiroshima-based Penta-Ocean Construction Co. has the construction contract.

“On the public side, the sums are vast by Burma standards,” says Sean Turnell, a professor at Macquarie University and an Australian economist and expert on Myanmar. “The scale of involvement dwarfs that from the U.S. or Australia.”

Japan’s desire to sell infrastructure and to expand overseas production bases dovetails with Myanmar’s top priorities of building a modern economy, and creating factory and service industry jobs to absorb an expected doubling of its urban population in the coming 15 years. China’s $14.2 billion accumulated investments in Myanmar are mainly in oil and gas production and pipelines, dams, and related roads and port facilities.

Oil and gas fields in northern Myanmar could be the biggest attraction, but any products that require a significant amount of transportation will need big investments in ports, roads and trains before they are exportable, Keh said in a 2011 Knowledge@Wharton article on Western companies doing business in Myanmar.

While it vies for infrastructure projects, Japan is also gearing up for low-cost manufacturing and the consumer market. Its cooperation with Myanmar stretches from help for farmers, food aid and disaster prevention to dispatching financial experts to counsel the country on setting up a modern stock exchange and other financial institutions. Japanese companies are involved in building telecommunications networks, construction of bridges, airports and other infrastructure, in food and consumer goods retailing, logistics — just about every sector.

Figures compiled by the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry show 161 members as of May, up from about 51 in March 2011. More than a third of those members were involved in logistics and other services, about a quarter in construction, slightly more in manufacturing, and the rest in finance and trading.

Shifting Investment

Despite the high degree to which it is “embedded” in Myanmar, Japan still lags behind other major Asian countries in terms of overall investment. In the fast-expanding hotels sector, for example, Hong Kong and other Asia-based hotel chains have snapped up opportunities to develop prime sites, including the ornate but rickety Yangon Railways headquarters, which the Peninsula Hotels chain has agreed to redevelop. Keppel Land, Accor, Daewoo Group, Shangri-La and Vietnam’s Hoang Anh Gia Lai Group, or HAGL, all have big projects already underway.

South Korea was the biggest source of FDI in the nine months ending December 2013, with a 29% share, followed by Singapore, with about 28%. Thailand accounts for 19.2%, the U.K. and Vietnam about 7% each. Japan trailed with 1.7% and investment from China was at 0.8%. China’s share in accumulated FDI was more than 90% in the 2011 fiscal year, but had dropped to 31.5% as of January 2014 after the sharp cutback in investments in 2013, according to Myanmar’s Central Statistical Organization. Total FDI in Myanmar was estimated to be $4 billion for the fiscal year that ended March 31.

Investment flows are shifting away from mining and energy and into manufacturing and services, reflecting the government’s emphasis on trying to build up an industrial sector to deliver faster growth and more jobs — following the example set by China and, more recently, by Vietnam. In 2013, Myanmar attracted $1.8 billion in investment in manufacturing, accounting for 47% of the total. Other leading areas were transport and logistics and hotels and tourism, followed by energy and property development.

Although Japan has lagged other countries, such as Thailand and Singapore, in plunging into this new economic frontier, Myanmar leaders are repaying Japan’s forgiveness of billions of dollars in unpaid debt with a red carpet welcome. “Japan helped Myanmar when it needed help, and we will help Japan when it needs help,” U Win Aung, chairman of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, told a recent Japanese business delegation organized by JETRO to showcase the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, a pet project of both governments. “Once this project is completed by mid-2015, this will help more Japanese companies to move into Myanmar,” JETRO’s Kojima says.

Land prices have gone through the roof due to speculation or in anticipation of more investments coming into the country.” –Edwin Keh

Thilawa is little more than a 400-hectare expanse of red, leveled dust — the preliminary groundwork having just been completed — but it represents Myanmar’s ambitions for a built-by-Japan manufacturing boom.

The Used Car Connection

For now, however, used autos are by far Japan’s biggest export to Myanmar, at more than 80% of the total, followed by construction materials and then a range of manufacturing components like textiles, electronics and steel. From Myanmar, Japanese imports mainly clothing, followed by seafood and other food-related items, timber and gems, according to data from JETRO. As two-way trade rocketed by 75% in 2012 from the year before to $1.93 billion, Japan’s longtime deficit with Myanmar swung to a surplus of $585.6 million.

Looking ahead to the days when Myanmar drivers will be buying new rather than used autos, Toyota and other major automakers are setting up showrooms there. For now, they mainly cater to expatriates such as diplomats, officials of NGOs and government officials who can afford to pay six figures for an SUV. But eventually they expect to serve Myanmar’s emerging market of newly affluent private local buyers.

Expanding that vision beyond Yangon, Mitsubishi Motors Corp., parent company Mitsubishi Corp. and Yoma Strategic Holdings, the flagship of tycoon Serge Pun, have set up an auto after-sales service center in Yangon, saying they plan to set up facilities in the national capital, Naypyitaw, and in Mandalay.

But however optimistic Japanese officials are over the potential for Myanmar as a new consumer market and low-cost manufacturing base, the gold rush of investors into Yangon already is driving prices sharply higher, potentially narrowing profit margins.

Costs for land and rents in the city are already at levels comparable with downtown Tokyo, at more than $100 a square foot, up from a fifth of that level just two years ago, and compared with about $75 in New York City — and for much lower quality. Wage levels have more than doubled from about $50 a month for a factory worker in 2013 to more than $100 a month in 2014, factory managers say.

“Land prices have gone through the roof due to speculation, or in anticipation of more investments coming into the country,” notes Keh. “Lack of infrastructure is slowing down export manufacturing ambitions for the time being.”

McKinsey & Company, in a 2013 report, identified seven sectors it says have the potential to quadruple the country’s GDP: energy and mining, farming, manufacturing, and infrastructure are the four largest. Others such as tourism, telecommunications and financial services will grow faster, though from very low levels, the report says.

Myanmar needs an average growth rate of about 7% and cumulative investments of about $650 billion by 2030, according to the McKinsey report. A large share of that will come from domestic savings, but about $170 billion will need to be from foreign investment. That compares with the $40 billion in foreign investment Myanmar drew from 1989-2012, most of it from China.

Food & Timber

Apart from Thilawa and other export assembly zones, other niches with growth potential include food and timber processing and financial services. Trading house Mitsui & Co. plans to set up joint-venture rice processing facilities in Yangon with Myanmar Agribusiness Public Corp., or MAPCO, to help raise the value-added of Myanmar’s rice exports as it ramps up production.

Japan helped Myanmar when it needed help, and we will help Japan when it needs help.” –U Win Aung

Before World War II, nearly half of Myanmar’s GDP came from agriculture, mainly rice exports. Farming still accounts for about 40% of all business activity in the country, and plans call for output to increase to the point where Myanmar could export five million tons a year. With exports forecast at 1.1 million tons in 2013-2014, and rural regions reporting shortages of farm labor, that appears a distant prospect, however. If Myanmar carries out reforms to modernize its agricultural sector, which have so far lagged other industries, Japan’s main farm machinery manufacturers, Yanmar and Kubota, would likely be looking to expand sales there.

In processed foods, Osaka-based noodle-maker Acecook, collaborating with trading house Marubeni, has set up an office in Yangon. It has plans to build a factory by 2017, expanding from its earlier overseas venture in Vietnam, where the company says it has sold more than three billion noodle meals so far.

Japanese trading companies are likewise involved in investments in Myanmar’s still barely developed timber processing industry. As the source of half of the world’s teak, Myanmar faces pressure to curb illegal exports of raw tropical hardwood, especially into China. Building a local industry to process the teak would be part of the process of bringing that illicit trade under control, and helping wean conflict-stricken border regions of their reliance on illegal trading in timber, opium and gems.

No Shangri-La

Japanese businesses remain relatively cautious for good reason: Myanmar is no Shangri-La. The latest survey by the government-affiliated Japan External Trade Organization, or JETRO, ranked the country 182nd of 189 countries in terms of ease of doing business in 2014, with deteriorations in such areas as construction permit approvals, electricity supply, financing and business registration compared with 2013. For logistics, Myanmar ranked 129th of 155 countries surveyed. There are some signs of improvement, though, with international corruption watchdog Transparency International recording an improvement in perceptions of corruption over the past three years.

But the advantages appear to be winning over many investors. Wages, though rising quickly, are still generally the lowest in the region.

“I’m often asked if it’s the right time to invest in Myanmar. It depends on which sector you are in,” says Aung Thura, CEO and founder of Thura Swiss Ltd, a Myanmar-based consulting and research company. For energy and telecom — which are key infrastructure areas — now is the right time, he told a recent conference in Yangon. “If you’re in manufacturing where you need electricity, it might be too early because we don’t have reliable electricity yet.”

While the retail market is wide open, with few foreign or domestic competitors for most consumer products, the country’s distribution systems are archaic and complex, and banking services rudimentary to non-existent, notes Ramon Meguro, a professor of marketing at Tokyo Institute of Technology. Writing in the Nikkei Asian Review, he recommends partnering with local firms, such as brewery Asahi Group Holdings’ joint venture with local beverage maker Loi Hein.

Whether Myanmar will realize its potential as an emerging economy and fast-growing consumer market remains uncertain. It’s easy enough for hardware to “leapfrog.” The ubiquity of mobile phones across the developing world, where landlines have never been installed, attests to that. But ensuring consumers have the wherewithal to pay for air time is another issue, Aung Thura points out. “We cannot leapfrog in the development of purchasing power.”

Foreign investors have allies in Myanmar’s new entrepreneurial class of business people, many of whom are foreign-educated returnees. “What we try to tell lawmakers is to open up,” notes Tun Thura Thet, the founder of software company Myanmar Technology, who spent more than 15 years running his business under the former military regime before seeing things open up under the current government. “In China, they try to protect local businesses. We don’t want to do that. We want to move past that. We want to leapfrog.”

The key is to get foreign investors to create jobs, says Tun Thura Thet. But filling those jobs can be a challenge given the scarcity of skilled workers after so many long years of economic isolation, he adds. Those working in Yangon speak of government civil servants skimping on sleep to try to get more work done as the country prepares to host the ASEAN summit later this year. “The limits are in human resources and capacity.”

Heavy government regulation, an opaque legal system and very weak physical infrastructure are other constraints. “For financial institutions and insurance companies starting up here, the most difficult thing has to be the lack of clarity in the legal system,” says Robert Walsh, managing partner at S&S Project Management in Yangon. “As yet, many necessary laws have not been drafted, let alone the accompanying implementing instructions. So any such company setting up here is running the risk of having their basis of operations cut off should new laws be passed that proscribe their activities.”

According to a recent Knowledge@Wharton article on Chinese investments in Myanmar, “This severely underdeveloped and misgoverned nation faces serious uncertainty over its true ability to transform and to leapfrog into today’s technologically advanced and fast-paced markets.” Reforms in Myanmar “will take place at the pace the Myanmar generals are comfortable with,” Vibhanshu Shekhar, a research fellow at the Indian Council of World Affairs in New Delhi, said in another Knowledge@Wharton article on the country opening its doors to foreign investments.

Myanmar will need to watch carefully to avoid the pitfalls Vietnam has run into as it opened its economy to foreign trade and investment, Moody’s Ratings says in a report. Vietnam’s Achilles heel has been its weak institutional framework and inadequately regulated banking system, which have not kept pace with the demands of a rapidly growing economy, according to the report.

The huge sway held by companies and business people with connections to the military and the massive concentration of wealth in their hands is a daunting barrier for newcomers, both local and foreign, the report notes. Investment laws requiring hiring of local workers are putting huge pressures on would-be new businesses. Under the rules, local workers must constitute three-quarters of a company’s skilled workforce by the end of its sixth year of operations.

Capital is also in short supply. Myanmar has four state-owned banks and 22 private banks, but so far none of the 35 foreign banks with representative offices in Myanmar have been allowed to begin operations, restricting the availability of financing for foreign investments.

Inevitably, the devil will lie in the details of how Myanmar manages this transformation from isolated backwater to a bustling market economy. With civil conflict still ringing its heartland, stemming from violence between Buddhists and Muslims in the east and fighting along other borders, the government’s ability to ensure stability will be key.

“Initially, it was executives flying in to this nice, unspoiled, exotic location,” says Turnell. “Now, it’s the nuts and bolts: degraded infrastructure, high rents. The initial hyper-confidence … has come off a bit. The real threat is the violence.”

http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/rushing-myanmar-will-foreign-investments-pay/

How NCPO Can Help Myanmar Refugees

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Human Rights Watch: When Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha announced on July 11 that the Thai refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border would be emptied, many wondered if there really is new resolve by the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) to repatriate the 130,000 Myanmar refugees who have been living in Thailand for many years.

Gen Prayuth cited national security as the reason for closing the camps, the same reason Thai officials have given over the years. It looked like his statement might be more than just rhetoric, since he cited a repatriation agreement in principle with the Myanmar army commander-in-chief, Gen Min Aung Hlaing.

On July 17, after the two of them met, the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued some reassurances, saying that both countries had agreed on "a safe return in the future in accordance with humanitarian and human rights principles."

Notwithstanding these assurances, refugees in the border camps scrutinise every statement by Thai authorities for signs about a future that is out of their hands. Anxiety is the norm, rumours flourish, a sense of precariousness is ever present, and fear is never far away. No text has been made public for this purported agreement. The fact that it is between the Thai and Myanmar militaries and not with Myanmar civilian authorities is an obvious cause for alarm for refugees who fled killing, forced labour, land confiscation, and many other abuses by the Myanmar army.

The refugees still have security and livelihood concerns. Eastern Myanmar is one of the most heavily landmined areas of the world after six decades of conflict. Myanmar still has multiple armed groups, and though many have signed ceasefire agreements, the army is still an abusive force that routinely violates international humanitarian law. And in many potential areas of return, there has been no preparation for agriculture, basic health, education and sanitation services, or employment opportunities.

Refugees also scrutinise every official action for hidden meaning. Thai authorities have been carrying out new "headcounts" in the camps. One media report, still unconfirmed by authorities, is that about 3,000 camp residents have been screened out in camps in Ratchaburi and Kanchanaburi (where recent headcounts have not occurred) as non-refugees — leading to even more rumours and fears.

The recent stricter enforcement of restrictions on entry and exit from the camps also exacerbates fears. While the Interior Ministry says the camps are officially closed and that refugees are not allowed to work, the reality is that the camps have become pretty porous after 30 years.

It’s not uncommon for refugees to leave the camps temporarily to work so they can supplement the relatively meager assistance their families receive from humanitarian agencies. The new restrictions on movement are already causing hardship in the camps, especially since food rations to the camps were also recently reduced.

Until now, the quiet to and fro movements from the camps have also allowed some refugees to make brief surreptitious visits to the areas they fled in Myanmar to check out abandoned villages and properties and assess for themselves the possibility for safe return in the future. If the military is really interested in encouraging voluntary repatriation, it should, in fact, informally recognise this scouting process as important.

A national security mentality that emphasises control and that operates on the assumption that a refugee problem can be solved by moving people from point A to point B is likely to engender lawlessness, not security.

Repatriation before conditions are right not only risks endangering the returnees, but may also overwhelm local communities in areas of return, exacerbate political and ethnic tensions, and cause additional displacement that destabilises unsteady post-conflict situations.

In the longer term, forcible returns also cause resentment and bitterness toward the former host country instead of the gratitude and sympathy that one would expect refugees would feel after being protected for many years. But Thailand’s history with bringing protracted refugee situations to a close, dating back to the Cambodian refugee repatriation of the early 1990s, has been characterised by coercion that has poisoned relations between Thailand and its former refugees.

As a matter of national security, it would be far more effective for the NCPO to take a gradual approach that ensures that repatriation is safe and sustainable. Thailand should engage the refugees themselves and the communities to which they will be returning. It should and allow the refugees to build confidence over time by encouraging voluntary cross-border movement, first through look-and-see visits, and then by longer stays for home reconstruction, field planting, and infrastructure development.

Instead of a big one-time repatriation, Thailand should consider allowing back-and-forth movement that enables families and communities to return in stages as their capacity for sustainable reintegration improves and their confidence in their acceptance back home is restored.

Had such a gradualist, consultative, and gentler approach been taken during the repatriation of Lao Hmong refugees in 2009 and the Cambodian refugees in the early 1990s, their returns might have been far less traumatic and less damaging to human rights principles. The refugees who were returned might have had less bitterness and resentment toward Thailand, and Thailand might be more secure today in relation to its Lao and Cambodian neighbours. That, of course, is a matter of speculation, but it is something worth mulling over as the NCPO considers the Myanmar refugee repatriation.

http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/22/how-ncpo-can-help-myanmar-refugees

Myanmar plans to build nuke reactor for research

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World Bulletin: Myanmar is planning to build nuclear reactors for research into health and agriculture, state media reported on Monday.

The Minister for Science and Technology, Dr. Ko Ko Oo, told Parliament’s Upper House that Myanmar is developing "human resources" for the nuclear sector, the state-run New Light of Myanmar reported.

It added that the government plans to build reactors when “the required infrastructure has been built.”

Ministers also want to draft non-proliferation laws and bring in measures to prevent radiation leaks before building the reactors, Dr Ko Ko Oo said Monday.

Myanmar’s government has long denied that it has ambitions to build nuclear weapons. It first announced plans to use nuclear technology for peaceful research and energy in late 2012.

In 2010 the Democratic Voice of Burma news site published allegations that Myanmar was secretly working with North Korea to develop nuclear missiles.

A former inspector from the International Atomic Energy Agency supported the claims. But other experts cast doubt on them, saying it was unlikely Myanmar was technically or financially able to develop nuclear weapons.

The former pariah state has won praise from Western governments after emerging from five decades of military dictatorship.

After a visit from U.S. President Barack Obama in 2012, Myanmar announced it would sign an agreement that gives nuclear inspectors greater access to its facilities.

http://www.worldbulletin.net/todays-news/141152/report-myanmar-plans-to-build-nuke-reactor-for-research

Myanmar-Yunnan railway canceled due to public opposition

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Want China Times: Construction of a railway connecting Kyaukpyu in Myanmar and Kunming in China was cancelled last Friday due to public opposition, the Myanmar Ministry of Rail Transportation told Eleven Media Group based in Yangon on July 20.

China signed a memorandum with Myanmar in April 2011 to build the Kyaukpyu-Kunming railway. The planned line would pass through Rakhine state, Magway region, Mandalay region and Shan state before crossing the border into Yunnan province in southwestern China. The line has significant strategic importance to China as a alternative to the Strait of Malacca as a route to the Middle East.

Under the agreement, China earmarked about US$20 billion for the railway's construction and would have the right to manage and operate the railway for 50 years.

The project has drawn domestic opposition from the public as well as civic organizations however and construction, which China Railway Engineering Corporation expected to take three years, has never got underway.

Myint Wai, director of Myanmar's Ministry of Rail Transportation, said China has not renewed the Kyaukpyu-Kunming railway project and let the memorandum of understanding on the project expire. A source from China Railway Engineering Corporation told China's Global Times that Beijing will fully respect the public opinion from Myanmar regarding construction of the railway, though no official response from the Chinese government has been reported.

http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?cid=1101&MainCatID=&id=20140723000057

Myanmar opens up economy, but true democracy is still elusive

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On a recent rain-soaked night, the ancient gold Shwedagon Pagoda, believed to contain relics of the Buddha, glowed through the mist in Yangon.

Not far away, a more modern scene was unfolding at one of the city’s newest shopping malls, where middle-class families sipped lattes and dined on hamburgers and French fries. Just a few years ago, such cuisine was affordable only for the elite or Western travelers.

Once isolated from the world, Myanmar, also known as Burma, has seen rapid change since 2010, when its military government began a process of democratic reform that prompted Western governments to ease economic sanctions.

New businesses have sprung up, eager to attract consumers in a market of more than 55 million people that was virtually untapped during more than 50 years of brutal military rule.

In the country’s commercial capital of Yangon, also known as Rangoon, rents are skyrocketing. Dealerships selling such luxury car brands as Jaguar, Land Rover and Mercedes have opened. Coca-Cola returned after 60 years. Hilton Worldwide hopes to open its first hotel later this year. And customers are flocking to a popular deli that makes its own artisanal cheese and sausage.

But graffiti scrawled on a billboard for a fancy condo project hints at Myanmar’s darker side: “Stop War” and “Bad Government.”

Outside this bustling city, millions of Burmese still live in poverty, many working as rice farmers. The country has been riven by clashes with ethnic militias and tensions between Buddhists and minority Muslims.

The nominally civilian government has cracked down on the press, and activists are wondering whether authorities will allow truly democratic national elections, slated for next year.

Many investors are now adopting a wait-and-see approach because of the political uncertainty and the difficulties of doing business in a country that has a dearth of electric power and qualified workers, said Sean Turnell, an economics professor from Macquarie University in Sydney.

Meanwhile, ordinary Burmese have a wait-and-see mind-set of their own, afraid that the changes won’t last or won’t usher in broader progress.

“This building is very grand and smart, and is a little bit more expensive than the outside market,” said Khin Cho, 62, a retired school teacher shopping recently in the Ocean Supercenter at the new mall.

The store had a feel of a Wal-Mart, with tidy bins of fresh fruit alongside aisles of cheap imported T-shirts and toys. She had filled her cart with onions, garlic, gourmet spices and a banana cake.

“Supermarket stores are booming, but there is no change in politics,” she said. “There is no democracy — yet. I hope! I hope! But I don’t know.”

- See more at: http://westhawaiitoday.com/news/nation-world-news/myanmar-opens-economy-true-democracy-still-elusive#sthash.YSSG1uh7.dpuf

Home President U Thein Sein attends merit-sharing ceremony of paying tributes to martyrs

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President-office: To mark the 67th Anniversary Martyrs’ Day, tribute was paid to the fallen heroes at Zabuthiri Hall of Nay Pyi Taw Council Office in Zabuthiri Township of Nay Pyi Taw Council Area on Saturday.

President U Thein Sein donated offertories to Maha Withutayama Zaygon Monastery Sayadaw Abhidhaja Maha Rattha Guru Agga Maha Pandita Bhaddanta Kavisara.

Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing offered alms to Pali Monastery Sayadaw.

Chairman of the Union Election Commission U Tin Aye, Union ministers, officials, responsible per sons of Union Solidarity and Development Party, National Unity Party and National League for Democracy and social organizations donated offertories to members of the Sangha.

They shared merits gained for paying tributes to fallen martyrs General Aung San, Deedok U Ba Cho, U Ba Win, Thakin Mya, Mahn Ba Khaing, Mongpawn Sawbwa Sao San Tun, U Razak, U Ohn Maung and Yebaw Ko Htwe, who were assassinated on 19 July 1947.

Following the cash offerings, the President, the commander-in-chief of Defence Services and attendees offered meals to members of the Sangha.

http://www.president-office.gov.mm/en/?q=briefing-room/news/2014/07/20/id-3905

Jimmy Lai paid Paul Wolfowitz US$75,000 for help in Myanmar

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Jimmy Lai and Paul Wolfowitz meet Senior General Min Aung Hlaing
SCMP: Leaked documents show Apple Daily founder Jimmy Lai Chee-ying paid former US deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz US$75,000 for his help with projects in Myanmar.

According to a July 22, 2013, remittance notice by the Shanghai Commercial and Savings Bank, Wolfowitz received the money from Lai as "compensation for services in regards to Myanmar".

Neither man could be reached for comment yesterday, but Lai, speaking on a radio show, said he did not rely on US government officials to conduct his business.

Wolfowitz and Lai have been friends since the latter became chairman of the US Taiwan Business Council in 2008, an aide to Lai said before the leak.

It remains unclear what services the former World Bank president provided to Lai. Wolfowitz continues to head the US Taiwan Business Council and is a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington DC.

Wolfowitz's visit to Myanmar raised eyebrows last year, as he was a senior member of the George W Bush administration, which referred to military-led Myanmar as an "outpost of tyranny" in 2005. He served as deputy secretary of defense from 2001 to 2005.

Lai and Wolfowitz met members of Myanmar's government, including President Thein Sein, armed forces commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and other high-ranking members of the Tatmadaw, Myanmar's military.

Lai's name was not mentioned in the press release by the president's office at the time, but he can be seen in photographs from the meeting. He was also mentioned in news reports.

Lai also met at least five cabinet members and the chairman of Myanmar's central bank last year, the documents indicate. The authenticity of his leaked schedule could not be independently verified.

The documents show that real estate investments were on Lai's agenda during multiple trips to Myanmar last year. They show that Lai was in talks over two developments in the nation's commercial centre, Yangon.

His Hong Kong-registered company Best Combo was planning to build two towers in Yangon with local developer Shambhala Group, run by the established businessman Phone Win.

Speaking by telephone, Phone Win confirmed the existence of these projects but told the Post that they were still at a planning stage. Lai and Wolfowitz merely visited Myanmar to promote entrepreneurship in the country, he said.

The documents suggest that Lai had paid former US deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz US$75,000 for assisting his investment in Myanmar
The documents show that Lai transferred US$213,000 to an NGO run by Phone Win and his wife for an entrepreneurship campaign in Myanmar.

Lai's donation financed the procurement of 200,000 T-shirts for the campaign and television advertisements, Phone Win said. "Jimmy Lai is a very good friend," Yuza Maw Htoon, Phone Win's wife, said.

The leaked documents point to another Myanmar-based company, Jade King and Queen Service, as being in talks with Lai. It was unclear how Lai was tied to the company. It is run by Sai Myo Win, a ruby, sapphire and jade trader from Kachin state near the Chinese border, who is now active in the development of industrial zones. Sai Myo Win could not be reached for comment.

Jimmy Lai and Paul Wolfowitz meet Myanmar's President Thein Sein

http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1557390/jimmy-lai-paid-paul-wolfowitz-us75000-help-myanmar

Forever Rock Iron Show - Review

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မိုးသည္းထန္လြန္းလွသည့္ ဇူလိုင္ ၁၈၊ ၁၉၊ ၂၀ … မိုးက သည္းလြန္း ထန္လြန္းသည္ထက္ ပိုသည္။ ဇူလိုင္ ၂၀ တြင္ က်င္းပသည့္ Iron Cross (IC) ၏ Forever Rock Iron Show ေတးဂီတ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖပြဲကို လူဝင္မည္ဟု မထင္ခဲ့။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း အထင္ႏွင့္အျမင္ ပါစင္ေအာင္ လြဲေခ်ာ္သြားသည္။ IC ပြဲဟု ဆုိလိုက္သည္ႏွင့္ ေၾကာ္ျငာသည္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ မေၾကာ္ျငာသည္ ျဖစ္ေစ၊ တစြန္းတစ ၾကားလိုက္ရံုျဖင့္ သြားမည္ဆုိသူက အမ်ားသား။ ပရိသတ္က ပြဲက်င္းပမည့္ ဝင္းေရွ႕တြင္ အံုခဲေနသည္္။



အဓိကကေတာ့ IC ထံုးစံအတုိင္း ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ တသားတည္း က်တာကို ၾကည့္ၾကမည္၊ ေလးျဖဴ၊ အငဲ၊ မ်ိဳးႀကီး၊ ဝိုင္ဝုိင္းတုိ႔ႏွင့္ အတူ သီခ်င္းေတြ လိုက္ဆုိၾကမည္၊ ကခုန္မည္၊ ေရာ့ခ္ဂီတႏွင့္ စီးေမ်ာရင္း ေပါက္ကြဲ ဟစ္ေအာ္ၾကမည္။

က်ပ္ ၃ ေသာင္း၊ ၂ ေသာင္း၊ ၁ ေသာင္း အသီးသီးေသာ လက္မွတ္မ်ားကို ဝယ္ကာ အားေပးသူ ပရိသတ္က ရွင္ေစာပု ကားရပ္ကြင္းထဲရွိ မုိးလံုေလလံု ခန္းမႀကီးထဲတြင္ ျပည့္လုနီးပါး။ ၃ ေသာင္းတန္ႏွင့္ ၂ ေသာင္းတန္ လက္မွတ္မ်ားက ခုံႏွင့္၊ ထုိင္ၿပီးလွ်င္ ျပန္ထရန္မလြယ္၊ ၁ ေသာင္းတန္ကေတာ့ မတ္တပ္။ တကယ္ေတာ့ ေရာ့ခ္ရႈိးဆိုတာ မတ္တပ္ရပ္ၾကည့္ရမွ ပိုေပ်ာ္စရာေကာင္းသည္ဟု ထင္သည္။ ခုန္ၾက ေပါက္ၾက ကၾက …၊ ထုိင္ခံုတြင္ ထုိင္ရင္း ျမဴးရတာ အားရစရာ မေကာင္းလွ။

တေနကုန္ သည္းလိုက္ စဲလုိက္ ျဖစ္ေနေသာ မုိးက ပြဲမစခင္မွာ ဖြဲဖြဲခန္႔ပင္ ရြာသည္။ ဒီေတာ့ ပရိသတ္အတြက္ ပြဲခင္းထဲ ဝင္ရတာ အဆင္ေျပသည္။ လက္မွတ္ ေမွာင္ခိုမ်ားက ကားဝင္းႀကီး ဝင္ေပါက္ အေရွ႕တြင္ “ပိုရင္ဝယ္တယ္၊ လိုရင္ ေရာင္းတယ္” ဟု လက္မွတ္ဝယ္ေရာင္း လုပ္ေနၾကသည္။ ေမွာင္ခိုလက္မွတ္ခကေတာ့ ၁ ေသာင္းတန္ကို ၁ ေသာင္းခြဲတဲ့။ အဝင္ဝတြင္ ေဆးလိပ္၊ ကြမ္း၊ ဘီယာ၊ အရက္ ဝင္းအတြင္းသို႔ မယူရ ဆုိသည့္ စာကပ္ထားသလို လံုၿခံဳေရးကလည္း လူေတြကို စစ္ေဆးေနသည္။ ေရကိုလည္း ႂကြပ္ႂကြပ္အိတ္ျဖင့္ ထည့္ယူရသည္။ အိတ္မ်ားကို ရွာေဖြသည္။ မိန္းမသပ္သပ္ ေယာက္်ားသပ္သပ္ ဝင္ရသည္။ လက္မွတ္က စမတ္ကတ္ အရွည္မ်ား။ ဝင္းထဲကတဆင့္ မိုးလံုေလလံု အေဆာက္အအံု ထဲကို တခါ ထပ္ဝင္ရျပန္သည္။ အထဲဝင္ေတာ့ လက္မွတ္ျဖတ္ရင္း လူကိုပါ ထပ္မံရွာေဖြသည္။

IC ထံုးစံ … စမည္ဆုိသည့္ အခ်ိန္ ည ၇ နာရီ တိတိတြင္ ပြဲစသည္။ အခ်ိန္တိက်သည့္ မူကို IC က ထိန္းထားဆဲ။

ပထမဆံုး အျပင္းစား ရိုက္ခ်က္မ်ား၊ ေတးသြားမ်ားျဖင့္ ဝိုင္ဝုိင္းစဆုိသည္။ အားလံုး ထံုးစံအတုိင္းပါပဲ။ ဝုိင္ဝိုင္း သံုးေလးပုဒ္ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ မ်ိဳးႀကီး၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ အငဲ … ပရိသတ္က “ေလးျဖဴ၊ ေလးျဖဴ” ဟု ထံုးစံအတုိင္း ေအာ္ၾကၿမဲ။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ဝုိင္ဝုိင္း၊ မ်ိဳးႀကီးႏွင့္ အငဲကို အားမေပးတာ မဟုတ္။ သူတုိ႔သီခ်င္းမ်ားကိုလည္း လိုက္ဆုိသည္၊ ကခုန္ၾကသည္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တခါ နားသြားတုိင္း “ေလးျဖဴ … ေလးျဖဴ” ၾကျပန္သည္။ အသက္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ႀကီးႀကီး … ဒီေရာ့ကာႀကီးကို သူ႔ပရိသတ္ေတြ ညည္းေငြ႕ပုံမရေသး။ ေနာက္ေတာ့ ေလးျဖဴတက္လာၿပီ …။ ဇူလုိင္လ မိုးထဲေလထဲ လာအားေပးသည့္ ပရိသတ္ကို ေက်းဇူးတင္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာသည္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ ရင္းႏွီးၿပီးသား သီခ်င္းမ်ား ဆိုသည္။ ပရိသတ္ ေအာ္ၾကဟစ္ၾက ကခုန္ၾကေသာ္လည္း ရန္ျဖစ္တာ၊ တဦးကိုတဦး မေက်မနပ္ျဖစ္တာ မေတြ႕ရ၊ အားလံုး ညီညြတ္ မွ်တေနသည္။ အဆုိေတာ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ပရိသတ္ သီဆုိိေနၾကသည္က လမ္းေဘးအုတ္ခုံမွာ ထိုင္ၿပီး ဝိုင္းေအာ္ဆုိ ၾကသည္ႏွင့္ပင္ တူေသးေတာ့ …။ ပရိသတ္က IC အဖြဲ႕ တီးသမွ် ဆုိသမွ် သီခ်င္း အားလံုးကို ရေနၾကသည္။ ေလးျဖဴက အျပင္းစား ေရာ့ခ္ေနရာမွ “ေငြလမင္း” လို႔ဆိုလိုက္ျပန္ေတာ့ အားလံုးက ေဝးခနဲေအာ္ၾကသည္။ ဒီသီခ်င္း ကေတာ့ ေလးျဖဴအသံကို ပရိသတ္အသံက ဖုံးအုပ္သြားသည္။

ပထမပိုင္းကေတာ့ ဘာမွသိပ္ထူးထူးျခားျခားမရွိ … တေယာက္ သံုးေလးပုဒ္စီ ဆိုၿပီး ၿပီးသြားသည္။ ပထမပိုင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ဒရမ္မာ ခရမ္း၏ ရိုက္ခ်က္ဆန္းမ်ားကို ျပသည္။ ျပေနၾက အကြက္မ်ား အျပင္ ထူးထူးျခားျခား လုပ္ျပသည္။ သူ႔ရိုက္ခ်က္ ၿပီးခါနီးေတာ့ ပရိသတ္ကို စကားေျပာသည္။ ၾသဂုတ္လထဲတြင္ က်င္းပမည့္ IC ႏွစ္ ၂၀ ျပည့္ပြဲအတြက္ ႀကိဳတင္ ဖိတ္ေခၚျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

ၿပီးေတာ့ ဝိုင္ဝုိင္း ျပန္စသည္။ ဝုိင္ဝိုင္းသီခ်င္းမ်ားက အသစ္မ်ားသည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ သိပ္ရင္းႏွီးပံုမရ … ဝုိင္ဝိုင္း ဆိုေနခ်ိန္တြင္ ပရိသတ္က အျပင္ထြက္သူထြက္၊ ခဏတျဖဳတ္ ၾကမ္းေပၚထုိင္နားသူနားႏွင့္ …။ သူ သံုးေလးပုဒ္ ဆုိၿပီး ခ်စ္စမ္းေမာင္၏ ဂစ္တာျပခ်က္မ်ား …။ အသစ္ ထူးထူးျခားျခား မပါေပမယ့္ သူ႔စတုိင္ႏွင့္ ဟန္ကေတာ့ ပရိသတ္ကို ဆြဲေဆာင္ၿမဲ …။ အဆံုးသတ္ ျပခ်က္က ထံုးစံအတုိင္း ျမနႏၵာ ေတးသြား … ၿပီးတာနဲ႔ သူက ဂစ္တာကို ကိုင္ေျမႇာက္ကာ ျပန္ဖမ္းျပၿပီး တိခနဲျဖတ္ခ်လိုက္ကာ ပရိသတ္၏ လက္ခုပ္သံကို ရယူသြားသည္။ IC ပရိသတ္တြင္ လူငယ္မ်ား ပါဝင္ေသာ္လည္း လူလတ္အရြယ္က မ်ားသည္၊ ႏုိင္ငံျခားသား ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားလည္း ေတြ႕ရသည္။ သူတုိ႔လည္း ျမန္မာပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ ေရာေႏွာကခုန္ ျမဴးတူးေနသည္ကို ေတြ႕ရသည္။

မ်ိဳးႀကီးတက္လာျပန္သည္။ မ်ိဳးႀကီးက်ေတာ့ ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ အေပးအယူ ျပန္မွ်သြားသည္။ သေဘာအက် ဆံုးကေတာ့ ဒုတိယပိုင္းတြင္ ျပန္ဝင္လာသည့္ အငဲဲ …။ “ေဒြးမယ္ေနာ္ အခ်စ္ေလး …” ဟု ဆိုလိုက္သည္ႏွင့္ ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ ဟာမိုနီျဖစ္သြားသည္။ သူ႔သီခ်င္းမ်ားကို ပရိသတ္ လိုက္ဆုိေပမယ့္ ဒုတိယပိုင္းတြင္ အငဲ၏ Mood က ေတာ္ေတာ္ ေကာင္းသည္။ သူ၏ ေအာင္ျမင္ထူးျခားသည့္ အသံကို ပရိသတ္အသံက မလႊမ္းႏိုင္ …။

ဒီအထိေတာ့ IC ၏ ပြဲတပြဲပြဲတုိင္းတြင္ လုပ္ျပတတ္ေသာ အသစ္တခုခု မေတြ႕ရေသး …။ အငဲၿပီးေတာ့ ေလးျဖဴ တက္လာၿပီ …။

ဒရမ္ရိုက္ခ်က္မ်ား … ဂစ္တာသံမ်ားႏွင့္အတူ “ထြက္ေပါက္” ကို ေလးျဖဴဆိုၿပီ။ ပရိသတ္သိၿပီးသား သီခ်င္း … အားလံုး လုိက္ေအာ္ဆုိ ကခုန္ၾက … ခ်စ္စမ္းေမာင္၏ ဂစ္တာဆုိလိုမွာ ေအာ္ဟစ္ၾကႏွင့္ သီခ်င္းၿပီးခါနီးမွာ ပရိသတ္ ထင္မွတ္ မထားတာတခု IC က လုပ္ျပလိုက္သည္။ အဆံုးသတ္ေတးသြားကို တီးေနရင္း ခ်စ္စမ္းေမာင္က ရုတ္တရက္ ေလးျဖဴကို ဂစ္တာ လႊဲေပးလုိက္သည္။ ေလးျဖဴက အဆံုးသတ္ေတးသြားကို ဆက္တီးစဥ္ ခ်စ္စမ္းေမာင္က မုိက္ခရိုဖုန္းကို ယူကာ “ထြက္ေပါက္မ်ား …” ဆုိသည့္ ထပ္ေက်ာ့ Ending ကို ဆုိခ်လိုက္ေတာ့သည္။ ပရိသတ္ အေတာ္ေလး စိတ္လႈပ္ရွား သြားသည္။ သူတို႔၏ ဆရာခ်စ္ သီခ်င္းဆုိသံကို ၾကားလုိက္ရရံုမက ေရာ့ကာႀကီး ေလးျဖဴ၏ ဂစ္တာလက္သံကိုပါ ၾကားလိုက္ရသည္ကိုး။

ဒုတိယပိုင္းတြင္ ပရိသတ္ႏွင့္ အဆုိေတာ္မ်ား ပိုၿပီး ထိစပ္သြားသည္။ ေလးျဖဴက သူ႔သီခ်င္းေဟာင္းမ်ား အျပင္ အင္တာနက္ ေပၚ တင္ေရာင္းေသာ ဒုိင္ယာရီႏွင့္ စိတ္ပူတယ္ သီခ်င္း အသစ္ႏွစ္ပုဒ္ပါ ဆုိသြားသည္။ သီခ်င္းအသစ္မ်ား ဆုိေပမယ့္ ပရိသတ္ကေတာ့ အကုန္လံုး ရတာပါပဲ။

ဒုတိယပိုင္းတြင္ ဝိုင္ဝိုင္း၊ မ်ိဳးႀကီး၊ အငဲ၊ ေလးျဖဴ အစဥ္လုိက္ ၃ ပုဒ္စီ ဆုိၿပီးေနာက္မွာ တတိယႏွင့္ ေနာက္ဆံုးအပိုင္း ေရာက္ၿပီဆုိတာ ပရိသတ္က သိလိုက္သည္ …။ အဆုိေတာ္အားလံုး စင္ေပၚ တက္လာၾကၿပီကိုး …။ တေယာက္ တပုဒ္စီ ဆိုကာ ပြဲသိမ္းေတာ့မည္။

ဝိုင္ဝိုင္းဆုိဖို႔ျပင္စဥ္မွာ ေနာက္ထပ္ အသစ္တခု IC က လုပ္ျပျပန္သည္။ အငဲက လိဒ္ဂစ္တာကို ကိုင္လိုက္သည္၊ ေလးျဖဴက ေဘ့စ္ ဂစ္တာ။ ဝိုင္ဝိုင္း၏ တယ္လီဖုန္း သီခ်င္းႏွင့္ အငဲ၏ ဂစ္တာသံ၊ ပရိသတ္၏ လုိက္ဆိုသံ … အားလံုး ညီညြတ္မွ်တစြာ …။ ပရိသတ္ထဲက “ဒါအသစ္ … ဒါအသစ္” ဟု ေအာ္သံၾကားရသည္။ ဝုိင္ဝိုင္းဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ မ်ိဳးႀကီး၊ အငဲ တပုဒ္စီ ဆိုၾကသည္။ အငဲက “အၾကည့္” မ်ိဳးႀကီးက ထံုးစံအတုိင္း “နားနားၿပီးေျပာ” …။

ေလးျဖဴအလွည့္က်ေတာ့ အဆံုးသတ္ၿပီဆုိတာ အားလံုးသိလိုက္သည္။ တခ်ိဳ႕ ျပန္ဖုိ႔ျပင္ၾကသည္။ ပရိသတ္ အမ်ားစု ကေတာ့ ပြဲကိုၾကည့္ရတာ အားရပံုမရ …။ IC ၏ မထင္မွတ္ေသာ အသစ္တခ်ိဳ႕ေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ႏုိင္သည္။

“ျပန္ၾကစို႔ … အခ်စ္ေလး …”

ေလးျဖဴ၏ အဆံုးသတ္သီခ်င္း … ပရိသတ္ ျပန္ၾကဖို႔ သီခ်င္း … ။ ထုိသို႔ျဖင့္ ၾကည့္လို႔၊ နားေထာင္လို႔ အားမရခင္ IC ပြဲ ၿပီးဆံုးသြားသည္။

စိတ္မေက်နပ္မႈကေလး အနည္းငယ္ေတာ့ ရွိသည္။ အဲဒါကေတာ့ ပထမပိုင္းမွာ အသံပိုင္း အားနည္းခ်က္ တခ်ိဳ႕ႏွင့္ မီးအလင္းအေမွာင္ သိပ္စိတ္တုိင္းမက်တာပဲ ျဖစ္သည္။ ပထမပိုင္းမွာ အသံက ဆူညံၿပီး ၿပဲထြက္ေနသလို၊ မီးကလည္း ေပးခ်င္သလို ေပးထားသည္ဟု ထင္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ဒစ္စကိုလုိက္ေတြ ျပဴးျပဴးၿပဲၿပဲ သံုးမထားသည္ကိုေတာ့ ေက်းဇူးတင္မိသည္။ အဲဒါေလာက္ကေလးက လြဲလွ်င္ အဆင္ေျပသည့္ပြဲ ျဖစ္သည္။ IC ၏ ထံုးစံအတုိင္းမ်ားႏွင့္္ အသစ္တခ်ိဳ႕ ေရာယွက္ထားသည့္ ေရာ့ခ္ရႈိးပြဲ ၿပီးပါၿပီ။

ပြဲအစကေန ပြဲၿပီးသည္အထိ ၿငိမ္ေနေသာ မိုးက … ပြဲအၿပီး အိမ္ျပန္ခ်ိန္က်မွ သည္းခ်လုိက္သည္ … မိုးေကာ၊ ေလပါ … တဝုန္းဝုန္း တအုန္းအုန္း …။
Credit to : ေအးခ်မ္းေျမ့ (Irrawaddy)

Canadian Professor Made to Leave Myanmar due to Buddha tattoos on Leg

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A vacationing Canadian professor says he was forced to leave Burma after his leg tattoos caused a stir.

Jason Polley says the incident was sparked by a local person, who took a picture of his Buddha tattoos and posted it to Facebook.

The photo apparently went viral in the southeast Asian country.



On Saturday night, Polley says local officials came and photographed his leg at his hotel before putting him and his Hong Kong girlfriend on a 15-hour car ride to the airport.

He says he initially believed he was going to be arrested and deported, but was later told he should leave the country for his own safety.

Western tourists with Buddha tattoos, especially those below the belt, have had issues in south Asian countries previously. Thailand’s culture minister considered banning Buddhist tattoos for foreigners, deeming it “culturally insensitive.”

Polley, who identifies as a Mahayana Buddhist, is from Russell, Ont., but teaches English at Hong Kong Baptist University.


Myanmar Charter Bar a Dilemma for Suu Kyi Party

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Bloomberg: Aung San Suu Kyi’s quarter-century quest to lead Myanmar is running out of time because of a legal roadblock, posing a dilemma for a party that was forged around the mystique of the Nobel Peace Prize Winner.

With elections due late next year, Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy may win the most seats in a national poll for the first time since 1990, when the military refused to recognize its election win and kept Myanmar in isolation for another generation. Even so, the NLD has been unsuccessful in efforts to amend a constitution that bars Suu Kyi, 69, from the presidency because her two sons are British.

A parliamentary committee dominated by the military and the quasi-civilian government that come to power in 2010 recommended in June to preserve the part of the charter dealing with the presidency. That leaves the NLD and its aging leadership with a choice: Continue pushing for Suu Kyi to lead or forge a path in which the party is no longer centered on one person, a shift that may expose internal weaknesses and dissent.

“I sense that Aung San Suu Kyi would not be happy to step aside and allow another NLD candidate to be proposed,” said Derek Tonkin, a former U.K. Ambassador to Thailand, Vietnam and Laos who is now on the board of Bagan Capital, a Myanmar-focused advisory firm. “The NLD is Aung San Suu Kyi’s creation. Without her, the various components of the League would be likely to split and go their separate ways.”

Senior party members won’t speculate on who could step in for a woman who spent 15 years in detention and is simply known as “The Lady,” saying their focus is on efforts to amend Article 59(f) of the charter, which keeps her from the highest office, as well as broader sections they consider undemocratic.

No Competition

“There is no one who will succeed her,” Win Htein, one of 15 members on the NLD’s central executive committee, said in an interview at his home in Yangon, surrounded by photos of himself and Suu Kyi. “Her status is so high and no one can compete with her integrity.”

He said it was “impossible” to get the necessary 75 percent of lawmakers to agree to change the constitution when by law the military is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in parliament. Still, he said the party will do what it always has in the face of adversity: try harder.

“It will give us strength,” said Win Htein, 72, who spent 20 years in prison under the former junta. “It will become an issue for the coming election because of the government’s unwillingness to change that clause, it is for the people to struggle more and to support us more.”

Tough Transition

The transition from democracy icon to politician has raised challenges for Suu Kyi, who along with her party re-entered politics by contesting parliamentary by-elections in 2012, said Robert Taylor, a visiting fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

“People admire her principled stands, her willingness to stay under house arrest and all that, but also they see what’s happened to her since she’s become the world celebrity,” said Taylor, author of “The State in Myanmar.” “Living the life of Riley and traveling the world, skipping parliamentary sessions when they’re supposed to be meeting to legislate, not ever actually asking a question in the parliament. What’s she do?”

Suu Kyi has faced international criticism for not being vocal enough about the treatment of the Rohingya, a stateless minority in Myanmar’s west who aren’t recognized as citizens or an ethnic group by the government. She has also come under fire at home, including when villagers near a copper mine berated her on a visit aimed at persuading them to stop fighting for its closure.

‘Presidential Fever’

Thein Nyunt, a member of the NLD for 22 years who split with the party when Suu Kyi called for a boycott of the 2010 election, accuses her of having “presidential fever” without a strong record of developing policy proposals in parliament. Now a lawmaker with the New National Democracy Party, he said the NLD’s reliance on Suu Kyi will ultimately harm it.

“The NLD is going to face a very big problem within a decade,” he said. “A party that relies on a personality cult is not good for the party’s future.”

Nyan Win, a member of the NLD’s central executive committee, doesn’t agree that the party has focused too much on changing Article 59(f), which bars people whose immediate family members are foreign citizens from being president. “It’s important also, just like other sections.”

He said the central executive committee, along with Suu Kyi as party chairwoman, meets every two weeks on policy. If Suu Kyi disagrees with committee members -- the youngest of whom is 62 - - they discuss the issue before reaching a decision.

Young Leaders

The party’s greatest challenge is finding new leaders, which is why the NLD created a youth congress, he said. “We need young leaders of the party,” said Nyan Win, 71. “We are old.”

Age isn’t the only obstacle the NLD faces. With many of its senior members having spent years detained by the junta, it lacks experience.

“What’s missing most for the NLD is capable people and expertise on certain issues,” said Kyaw Lin Oo, the executive director of the Myanmar People Forum Working Group, which organizes workshops to discuss issues such as human rights. “They might have educators or medical doctors, but they don’t have public policy experts, they don’t have international relations specialists, they don’t have overall strategic thinkers for the party to move forward.”

Other Parties

Win Htein said the party acknowledges its inexperience in some areas. “We NLD leaders are very tough,” he said. “We can face any difficulty, whether it is getting arrested or locked up. But in the long run it is very difficult to lead a government when we are not prepared and we have a deficiency of qualified leaders.”

The party would be ready to “invite anybody” to join an NLD government, including former members of the military and the current ruling party, “if they are sympathetic to our political program.” He said the NLD would also be open to a coalition.

The NLD is working to address its shortcomings, including its reliance on Suu Kyi, said Sean Turnell, an associate professor of economics at Macquarie University in Sydney who has traveled to Myanmar to conduct seminars for the party and advised the U.S. Congress on the country.

NLD Efforts

“Prior to say a year, year and a half ago, I think one could have some doubts about knowledge of the way things work,” said Turnell, the author of “Fiery Dragons: Banks, Moneylenders and Microfinance in Burma.” “They’ve made extraordinary efforts over the last year particularly to really train a younger cohort of people up at all sorts of levels.”

An NLD government could also count on much more advice and assistance from the international community, Turnell said.

“Particularly from the U.S. there is a great number of actors sort of sitting on the sidelines who really can’t get involved too much at this point with the current government but post-2015 one would imagine playing a much greater role,” he said.

Even so, the international community is “coping reasonably well” with the current government, and Suu Kyi not becoming president could be a positive development, said Tonkin, the former ambassador.

“Suu Kyi has always been very much part of the problem,” he said. “She does not heed advice, is a bad listener and demands total obedience,” he said. “Without Suu Kyi, there would be a more normal relationship between Myanmar and other countries.”

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-08-03/myanmar-charter-bar-a-dilemma-for-suu-kyi-party-southeast-asia.html

What Should Ordinary Leadership Look Like?

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Huffingtonpost: The 2014 election-year posturing forces me back to November, 2010, when a living parable walked into freedom after 15 years of house arrest. Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma/Myanmar's opposition leader, waved to her supporters and awakened our stagnant conscience.

Suu Kyi ranks among the elite of real-life parables. "I should be like them," we think. "Everyone should." They're the true norm. Saint Francis was one such parable. So was Gandhi. So were Mother Theresa, Nelson Mandela, and Alexsandr Solzhenitsyn. Pope Francis may be another. They shame our insipid, glitz-and-glitter leaders, whether they're overpaid CEOs or I'll-say-anything-to-get-votes candidates. They show us that politics is more than winning elections and business is more than making money.

In fact, they shame us all. We reward the attack ads. We elected the politicians and hired the CEOs. We've diminished human beings to mere consumers and interest groups and filed them into marketing categories. We've bred our rant-and-rave culture and turned it loose.

They shame us without any longing to shame, but their dignity, humor, and grace shows us there's another way to live, beyond the Gross National Product's parameters. They've thrived in the darkness and identify with Paul and Silas, two New Testament figures who sang hymns of praise in a pitch-black prison cell. They grasp the truth of Romans 5:3-4: "We also rejoice in our sufferings, because we know that suffering produces perseverance; perseverance, character; and character, hope."

We could do better. We could be like Aung San Suu Kyi.

She shames us all the more because she could have evaded the darkness. Her father established the modern Burmese Army and negotiated the nation's independence in 1947. Rivals assassinated him, but her mother played a major political role and Suu Kyi lived in privilege: She attended college in New Delhi and Oxford, lived in New York and worked in the United Nations, married a scholar named Michael Vaillancourt Aris, earned a Ph.D from the University of London, and was a fellow at the Indian Institute for Advanced Studies. We would have understood if she chose the exiled life while a junta strangled her nation. She had a husband; she had kids. She could have taught, filed protest letters, toured the lecture circuit, written articles and books and appeared on Charlie Rose. You have responsibilities, Suu Kyi. Puff your children's pillows and sing them their lullabies.

But she couldn't walk away. A historical swirl propelled her into the leadership of Burma's pro-democracy movement after she returned to care for her ailing mother in 1988. The Junta banned gatherings of more than four, but Suu Kyi campaigned anyway as the 1990 elections approached. "Fearlessness may be a gift," she once said, "but perhaps more precious is the courage acquired through endeavor, courage that comes from cultivating the habit of refusing to let fear dictate one's actions, courage that could be described as 'grace under pressure' - grace which is renewed repeatedly in the face of harsh, unremitting pressure." She displayed incredible courage when she walked alone before soldiers with shoot-to-kill orders. A major countermanded the order and she went on to her rally.

Something yanks at us. We can deny it no longer: All should possess that graceful courage. All should be willing to walk that road. All should smile their way into the lion's den.

The National League for Democracy won 59% of the popular vote and 80% of the seats in Parliament. The Junta refused to recognize the results and arrested Suu Kyi. She was separated from her children. The generals barred her dying husband from seeing her (they welcomed her to visit him abroad; she suspected they wouldn't allow her back), and he died of prostate cancer with no good-bye.

In her famous essay, "Freedom From Fear," Suu Kyi articulated what we all know but rarely admit: "The quintessential revolution is that of the spirit, born of an intellectual conviction of the need for change in those mental attitudes and values which shape the course of a nation's development. A revolution which aims merely at changing official policies and institutions with a view to an improvement in material conditions has little chance of genuine success. Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and regeneration."

Yes. Of course. How obvious - and how appropriate for our nation as well as hers. All need that revolution of the spirit.

I don't easily stand in awe of anyone, but Aung San Suu Kyi has walked through the darkness. She is one of those gems illuminating the true definition of what "normal" should be. And so I can say with a straight face and in all seriousness: I want to be like Aung San Suu Kyi.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/charles-redfern/what-should-ordinary-lead_b_5634005.html

Five opposition party members charged for protest against PR system

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DVB: Five members of two opposition parties were charged by local police in Pegu Division for leading an unauthorised demonstration against enacting a proportional representation (PR) voting system for the country’s elections, which was one of the central issues of the latest parliamentary session.

Earlier this week, four members of the National League for Democracy party — Kyaw San, Myo Thu Htut, U Kyaw and Maung Maung Toe – and Wunna, a member of the Democratic Party for New Society, organised a demonstration in Pegu Division’s town of Prome [Pyay] on Monday to protest against enacting a PR system.

Kyaw San said that he and the other organisers had requested on Friday for permission to hold their demonstration, but were rejected.

“They turned down our request, citing a regulation that permission should be sought no less than five days prior to the planned protest, and that it will not be appropriate to stage a demonstration against the PR system since there has been no debate or approval of it in Pegu Division yet,” Kyaw San said, adding that they went ahead with it anyway.

“We were informed by the Prome police station’s deputy superintendent, Myo Myint, on 5 August that there has been an order to see legal action against us and we now face charges under Section 18 of the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Processions Act,” he said.

If found guilty, the group faces up to six months in prison or a fine of 30,000 kyat, roughly US$30.

Supreme Court lawyer Robert San Aung, who was appointed to represent the five, said that the Prome police station is going against the newly amended law.

“The Union Parliament has already made it clear that authorities should not turn down permission for the protest and I believe that the Prome government official’s decision to reject my client’s permission is against the law,” Robert San Aung said.

“This is completely inappropriate. The Union Parliament itself has amended the law and it puzzles me why the government officials on the ground are not adhering to it.”

http://www.dvb.no/news/five-opposition-party-members-charged-for-protest-against-pr-system-burma-myanmar/43012

Most Spectacular Golden Pagodas in Myanmar

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Many religious buildings around the world are gloriously decorated with intricate mosaics, stained glass windows, beautiful art, and soaring arches, but these golden pagodas may outshine them all.

Most of the pagodas serve as places where holy relics are kept, as well as houses of Buddhist worship. Myanmar's Shwedagon Pagoda, one of the largest such structures in the world, contains strands of the Buddha's hair inside the shrine. It is covered with gold plates, some of which have been donated by the people of Myanmar. The stupa's top is encrusted with 4531 diamonds; the largest of which is a 72 carat diamond.

Perhaps the most precarious pagoda is Kyaiktiyo Pagoda, also called The Golden Rock, which is located in Myanmar as well. The stupa rests on top of a giant boulder, perched on the edge of a cliff. According to lore, the only thing that keeps it from rolling off the edge is a strand of the Buddha's hair.
Kaunghmudaw Pagoda, Sagaing, Myanmar
Shwedagon Pagoda, Yangon, Myanmar


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