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Khin Wint Wah - Miss Supranational Myanmar

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This is the day that most of Myanmar people where waiting for and congratulations to Khin Wint Wah, Miss Supranational Myanmar, for wining Miss Internet and 3 other awards. Here are some of her latest photos which were taken at Yangon International Airport upon her arrival. (Click for Photo Gallery)

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Myanmar Mountains: A Place for Deep Thought

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Myanmar Mountains: A Place for Deep Thought - A shaft of sunlight penetrates the darkness of Yathae Pyan cave in Myanmar’s mountains, where a local man rests and smokes.

Caves pockmark the mountains of the Southeast Asian country, but this is a cave with a difference. Like some others scattered through Myanmar, Yathae Pyan has been turned into a Buddhist place of worship.

Statues of Buddha and Buddhist deities plus stupas, dome-shaped religious structures, have been built in some of Myanmar’s caves, turning them into mystical, other-worldy places.

Buddhist caves have a long history in Asia. Some in India date back to 200 B.C.; others have massive, centuries-old carvings of Buddha, more than 50 feet tall, hewed from the rock.

At Myanmar’s off-the-beaten-track Yathae Pyan, locals and tourists come to worship, to admire or just to sit and smoke in the relative coolness of a sacred cave.

http://seattletimes.com/html/pacificnw/2023923629_0713destinationsxml.html

US Concern Over Sentencing of Myanmar Journalists

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US Concern Over Sentencing of Myanmar Journalists - The United States said Friday is it very concerned that four reporters and a magazine chief executive in Myanmar have been sentenced to 10 years hard labor for investigative reporting about a weapons factory.

The sentence sends the "wrong message" about Myanmar's commitment to freedom of expression, State Department press officer Peter Velasco said. He urged Myanmar to respect the rights of all journalists.

The now-defunct Unity journal printed a story in January that the military had seized farmland in central Myanmar for the factory, allegedly built for the production of chemical weapons. The journal printed a denial by authorities.

Rights groups have condemned Thursday's sentencing, and say intimidation and arrests of journalists appears to be worsening in the former pariah state, even as official censorship has been lifted.

President Barack Obama has highlighted U.S. support of Myanmar's shift from decades of direct military rule as a signal achievement of his foreign policy, but there's growing U.S. criticism, particularly from Congress, of the Southeast Asian nation's reformist government, including its failure to protect minority Muslims from sectarian violence.

http://news.yahoo.com/us-concern-over-sentencing-myanmar-journalists-161415310.html

Myanmar Sinks Thai Trawler

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Myanmar Sinks Thai Trawler  - The incident took place about 10 nautical miles west of Koh Chang of Ranong province, said Vice-Admiral Tharathorn Kajitsuwan, the Third Naval Area commander.

He said the Myanmar naval patrol craft No. 566 chased the two fishing boats after they intruded 1.5 nautical miles into Myanmar waters. The larger trawler was fired at and sank while the other trawler was towed to a nearby island belonging to Myanmar.

Rwenty crewmen from the boats jumped into the water but the Myanmar navy did not arrest them. They were later rescued by another fishing boat and a Thai naval patrol boat picked them up.

The boats belonged to Warapol Dangkong who owns the Jor Kongsin fish pier in Bang Rin sub-district of Muang Ranong district.

Vice-Adm Tharathorn said the fishermen mistakenly believed that high winds and waves would keep the Myanmar patrol boat ashore, so they decided to take their chances on fishing in Myanmar waters. They went ahead despite a warning from the Third Naval Area commander not to do so.

Authorities are coordinating efforts to salvage the sunken boat but they do not expect the other boat that was towed to be returned to its owner.

Please credit and share this article with others using this link:http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/420067/myanmar-sinks-thai-trawler. View our policies at http://goo.gl/9HgTd and http://goo.gl/ou6Ip. © Post Publishing PCL. All rights reserved.

Will Myanmar Reform or Repeat the Past?

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Recently the Burmese government told the United States to mind its own business and not interfere with its political maneuverings amending the Burmese constitution. In exchange, the Burmese government told the United States it will do likewise and not interfere with constitutional and political issues in the United States. Fair is fair, after all.

Such a rebuttal to the United States reveals the aims of the Burmese civilitary government that retains twenty-five percent of its parliamentarians who are military officers. They are not moving aside for Aung San Suu Kyi voluntarily. Their so-called “opening” to the outside world, some have suspected, was possibly for economic reasons only.

Since President Thein Sien instituted limited reforms in 2012 the Generals and their cronies have legitimized billions of dollars of cash and loot gained at the expense of the people of Myanmar during their decades long authoritarian rule. They’ve also flipped real estate holdings into big profits going from the lowest to some of the highest property values in Asia. For example, UNCEF is paying $87,000 a month rent for a small property owned by a General. After half of their year as ASEAN chair gone they’re now looking toward the 2015 elections. In doing so, it seems Myanmar’s crafty rulers have more or less cornered Aung San Suu Kyi into a position of take it or leave it politics.

Political Reforms?

The Burmese government has unfalteringly claimed it will not amend the constitution to appease Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party. Although she has supporters in key government positions, denying Suu Kyi the legal opening to run for president in 2015 will leave her with only two options.

One option is to accept the current constitution conspired by the military dictatorship while she was under house arrest, not run for President and accept the results of the upcoming 2015 elections. That outcome would certainly add legitimacy to the current constitution as Myanmar awakens to the future. If that happens the current regime’s legitimacy in the world will be anxiously reinforced with indefinite investment and trade.

As long as the government can find accord with high-stakes international development projects in education, healthcare and poverty reduction, and prevent genocide of the Royhinga people in Arakan State, keep the ultranationalist Buddhist’s from reaping hatred against Muslims from the minds of millions of impoverished and uneducated people prone act violently to rumour and superstition, Myanmar could, possibly, begin to look like a country poised with unlimited potential. It’s a tall order, no doubt.

The rest of Myanmar’s numerous problems can be easily overlooked and tolerated by world governments and world markets. Those problems are mainly on the margins of places tourists rarely see anyway. They exist outside of the Myanmar very few people understand. Multiple human rights challenges, land seizures and environmental degradations in remote regions occur out of sight daily in the country of more than sixty million.

A New Uprising?

Another option is that Aung San Suu Kyi can rally millions of her supporters to protest for a more legitimate constitution and a possibility for real Democracy in Myanmar with Suu Kyi as its President. If Suu Kyi can draw one hundred thousand people to a speech, as she has recently, imagine what she could do over a sustained period of demonstrations and protests running up to the 2015 elections?

The only wildcard in this situation is that Myanmar people today enjoy freedoms never imagined in their pre-reform lifetimes. They could still eagerly support Suu Kyi but also support the government by not voting in the elections. Either way, the government wins. The dicey problem with this scenario arrives after the 2015 elections. How many worldwide leaders would eagerly support Suu Kyi’s, or anyone’s claim, that the constitution and elections are incredible?

This outcome would depend entirely on the civilitary government’s reactions to demonstrations and protests, which in the past have been murderous. The last thing Suu Kyi or anyone else wants for Myanmar is for its people to be shot down in the streets. If the demonstrations don’t absolutely paralyze Myanmar over a sustained period, and if the government can keep its trigger finger at ease, leaders worldwide will accept the 2015 election results. Aung San Suu Kyi will be forced to do so as well.

Indeed, the path not yet taken in Myanmar, though, may be the path that leads to its salvation if there is to be no bloodshed.

Propaganda’s Gravy Train

Many educated young people in Myanmar, democracy activists and nationalists, are getting heavy doses of western neo-liberal indoctrination from Europe and the U.S.A. Since 2012 Myanmar people have been besieged with input, advising, conferencing, special programs, trainings, workshops and conferences in Myanmar and abroad. The IMF, World Bank, United Nations, and international NGOs, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce work on the government in Naypyidaw. At the same time, other neo-liberal right-wing activists groups have been doing their best to impact Myanmar’s best and brightest youths via exchange programs teaching textbook western Democratic values, development and capitalists principles. Its effectiveness is incalculable because western neo-liberal values are directly at odds with the sincere nationalism shared by most Myanmar democracy activists. They simply do not want to be manipulated by anyone though they do assimilate the education of new ideas afforded to them by the west.

There are many hands at work in Myanmar and there are even subterranean efforts being ramped up by western governments to provoke political unrest while trying to influence the populace to support Aung San Suu Kyi as the 2015 elections approach. We probably won’t be hearing another brilliant tactic from a U.S. State Department neocon saying, “Fuck the EU. Yat’s is our guy.” But, that doesn’t mean the Neocons aren’t looking at provoking China. Larry Diamond from the U.S. right-wing National Endowment for Democracy has made several trips to preach neo-liberalism to the fledgling Yangon School of Political Science.

Back to the Future

Whichever way Aung San Suu Kyi moves, there is a showdown ahead in Myanmar if there are no reconciliatory movements to de-militarize or amend the current government and constitution. What if Suu Kyi is allowed to run for President and wins? Will the military sit by and accept this inevitability, as they did not after the 1990 election? No one yet knows.

Of course, the military can wait out Aung San Suu Kyi as it waited out U.S. sanctions for many years. This is the most probable course for the current government if it has no further plans for reform. There has been some capitulation for reform in many legal areas by the government recently but over time they seem to revert back to their previous norms. Whatever progress there seems to have been made gets washed away with new excuses and reasons for ignoring past avowals. This is what constitutes progress with the Myanmar civilitary government. They suitably do what they want to do no matter what they otherwise say they will do.

Currently the Myanmar government needs to project immovable unity, independence and strength to save face and has done so by rebuffing the United States. However, real reformers, if they exist inside the current government, could win out with a specter of mass demonstrations. They may surprise everyone at some point by negotiating a solution to allow Suu Kyi to run for President without giving up military control of the civilian government. Obviously more deals need brokering for this to happen but this could be the safest solution to continue Myanmar’s delicate flirtation with reforms.

The Lady’s Dilemma

Over the past several months Suu Kyi has been rallying supporters by the hundreds of thousands to petition for her attempt at amending the constitution so she can run for President. Her critics say she is selfishly trying to become President for her own benefit at the expense of economic progress. Make no mistake; there are hundreds of thousands of business people from every sector who gain under authoritarian rule from their relationships with cronies. Whether or not they admire the name Aung San Suu Kyi, they do not want political change.

Critics aside, Aung San Suu Kyi will not relent. When she was faced with running for parliament or boycotting the elections in 2011 she was also faced with millions of Myanmar people waiting for her to decide the fate of Myanmar. Those who know Suu Kyi well said that she did not want mass protests and demonstrations to occur. She knew the outcome would have been the same as in 1988 and 2007, ending with demonstrators shot down in the streets. Her choice was to accept a potentially no-win political situation by becoming a member of parliament.

The Current Situation

If nothing from today changes and unless the adult sons’ of Aung San Suu Kyi return to Myanmar and claim Myanmar citizenship, Aung San Suu Kyi will be prevented from running for President, an office she won in 1990 when Myanmar was called Burma. Following Suu Kyi’s presidential win in 1990 she was placed under house arrest and Burma’s flirtation with legitimating a path towards Democracy was stopped.

While conditions in 2014 one year before the national elections are different in many ways than in 1989, in many ways they are the same. Aung San Suu Kyi is still at odds with the military government and if she is prevented from running for president she said she would boycott the elections. If that happens, hundreds of thousands, or millions of people, will demonstrate against the current government. Will it collapse or will it use force and massacre its own people, yet again, in order to hold power? In addition the continuing religious conflict pitting Buddhists against Muslims is a wildcard that can only be played by the military by declaring martial law and ending reforms – prior to elections.

In a 2010 interview with Ma Zin Mar Aung, a democracy and gender rights activist, ex-political prisoner and 2012 Woman of Courage Award winner, Zin Mar was asked what she and her network of activists were hoping to achieve at that time. Zin Mar said, “We are just trying to test the new government to see if it’s still stuck in the past or if it wants to move forward.”

The question to be considered for Myanmar today is what does moving forward look like for a country that is in many ways deeply stuck in the past, yet trying to emerge from fifty years of self-imposed isolation? The time to decide is approaching for the government and the test will not be easy.

http://dissidentvoice.org/2014/07/will-myanmar-reform-or-repeat-the-past/

Hundreds of Farmers, Soldiers Face Off in Sagaing

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A prominent local monks has been forced to step in to resolve a potentially deadly stand-off between Tatmadaw soldiers and farmers in Sagaing Region’s Kanbalu township, after the farmers attempted to plough fields confiscated by the military in the 1990s.

Photos seen by The Myanmar Times show soldiers pointing automatic weapons at villagers in the middle of a field near the village of Htaut Shar Eian on July 4. About 200 soldiers faced off against 500 farmers from six area villages, eyewitnesses said.

U Wi Thutar, the abbot of the monastery in Htaut Shar Eian, helped to mediate when the situation threatened to get violent. Nobody was injured in the incident and no shots were fired, but he condemned the military for threatening residents.

“I absolutely object to the way that the military used arms to stop the farmers,” he said.

In 1997, Shwebo No 8 Training Corps of the Supply and Transport Battalion seized more than 3400 acres of farmlands from Htaut Shar Eian and five other villages in Kanbalu. About 500 acres of land is being used, including 300 for a sugarcane plantation.

Farmers, unhappy that the military had started renting the land to tenants rather than return it to its original owners, decided to plough the fields without the military’s permission.

U Wi Thuta said the confiscation had left farmers in the area without any reliable income.

Farmers said they received no compensation when the land was taken.

“At that time they seized it, our farmland even had crops on it. Now they are stopping us by holding weapons … This is bullying. The military is supposed to protect public,” said U Khin Maung Kyi from Htaut Shar Eian village.

However, Colonel U Myo Min Thant, from the military unit that runs the sugarcane plantation, said the military was just defending its interests.

“We stopped them just to protect our asset,” he said. “We will continue to work according to the law.”

He said the land had not been confiscated from the farmers by military. Rather, in 1997-98, the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation had transferred it to the Ministry of Defence.

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/10974-hundreds-of-farmers-soldiers-face-off-in-sagaing.html

Unity to Appeal ‘harsh’ Sentence

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Four journalists and the chief executive officer of weekly journal Unity plan to appeal against their conviction, their lawyer said last week after the Pakokku District Court sentence them to 10 years with hard labour for breaking the 1923 State Secrets Act.

Lawyer U Than Zaw Aung said the law was undemocratic and designed to “oppress the people”.

“My clients are not spies,” he told The Myanmar Times. “If [the government] wants to give a lesson to reporters, they can take action against them under the Media Law. I argued for this but they ignored it. We will try to lodge an appeal.”

The case stems from reports published in late January that alleged the Tatmadaw was operating a chemical weapons factory in Magwe Region at what is officially known as the No 24 Defence Equipment Factory. They group was arrested in early February. The government has denied the existence of chemical weapons but Deputy Minister for Information U Ye Htut, a spokesperson for the president, has insisted that the allegations made in the articles were a national security concern.

Four reporters and editors – Ko Yazar Soe, Ko Sithu Soe, Ko Lu Maw Naing, and Ko Paing Thet Kyaw – along with chief executive U Tint San were arrested in February and charged with two offences.

Few were expecting such a harsh sentence, however. When it was read out by District Judge U Maung Maung Htay, sobbing from parents and relatives of the defendants filled the courtroom.

“They didn’t do anything. I think the court made that decision because it was forced to by the military,” said Daw Khin Mar Cho, the mother of one of reporter Ko Yar Zar Oo.

Ko Yar Zar Oo told reporters as he left the court after hearing the verdict that he was “very surprised” at the decision, which he described as “harsh”.

Earlier, the judge had rejected the argument of the defence team that the accused should be charged under the Media Law, on the grounds the offence was committed on January 25 and the Media Law was not enacted until March 14.

The judge said some lines in the Unity investigative report – including allegations that the military had seized more than 3000 acres of farmland for the factory, that the project showed the government had failed to rein in defence spending and this could harm relations with the international community, that anti-poverty efforts would fail because of high defence spending, and that the factory would harm trust with armed ethnic groups – were written with the intention of harming the state’s security and national interests.

Many observers questioned whether the government had interfered in the judiciary’s handling of the case, particularly as the prosecution had revealed during the early stages of the hearing that charges were filed on the instruction of President’s Office director U Hla Tun.

Reporter Ko Lu Maw said the group had been “bullied” by the government.

“I think they sentenced us like that because the executive and the judiciary together want to punish us severely,” he said.

“It is clear that the judiciary has no freedom,” said his wife, Ma Lwin Lwin Myint. “If they sent people to jail like this, then people can’t know the truth.”

The government made no announcement after the ruling and state newspapers did not report on the verdict.

After the sentencing, the Myanmar Journalist Network issued a statement objecting to the judge’s decision and promising to provide physical and mental assistance to the families of the defendants. The network said it would also support their decision to appeal.

The verdict ended a case that had seen more than 50 witnesses called, mostly for the prosecution.

http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/10973-unity-five-to-appeal-harsh-sentence.html

Commission Approves Drafted Election Campaign Rules Ignoring Political Parties’ Request

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The Union Election Commission (UEC) approved the draft version of election campaign rules, which have attracted severe criticisms from political parties, on July 1.

The announcement was published and distributed to the political parties on July 2 when the UEC met with the political parties in Naypyitaw, according to the director of the UEC Thaung Hlaing.

The approved draft involves few facts that the political parties asked to amend. Majority is the original ones.

The parties demanded sixty days of campaign period, but the UEC approved only thirty days. Additionally, the parties asked to change the permit for public speak. However, the UEC does not change the rules.

What is more, the rule states that the application for campaigning public speak has to submit within fifteen days after the election candidate names are announced. The details of date, day, time and duration, speaker’s name and included vehicles in the campaign must be mentioned in the application.

If the public speak will be hold at the offices of the political parties, it doesn’t need to apply. However, it needs to inform the UEC branch two days in advance.

“It is impossible to finish the complete of campaigning procedures within fifteen days after the announcement of the election candidates. Whatever it is 30 days or 60 days, we have to find the leader to give the public speaks. It should be okay to inform 3 to 5 days in advance. It couldn’t be finished the complete program within fifteen days. It is enough to inform the election campaign in advance. The bylaws, rules and instructions should be fair for the upcoming 2015 election since the 2015 election will be the turning point of the country. Therefore, it should be fair since the rule making persons will be recorded in the history,” said Win Myint, the spokesperson of the National League for Democracy.

However, the draft mentions that the campaigning will be scrutinized and permitted instead of “the campaigning will be scrutinized and shall be permitted or refused and changed”. Therefore, it can be assumed that they will allow all application of campaigning.

The political parties discussed again to increase sixty days of campaigning period on July 2 meeting. The UEC replied to reconsider the case. The UEC pointed that there are differences of word usage between draft and approved rule, according to Thaung Hlaing.

“We will allow all applications. There is misunderstanding between us. The rules including in this election campaign rule are the rules included in the Constitution, emergency act, penal codes and other laws and bylaws. In other words, violating any law will be taken action. We just mention in the election campaign rule with respective section,” said Thaung Hlaing.

The power sharing form of the election candidates, election representatives or parties’ representatives must be submitted to the UEC.

“We will accept the application of anyone who gets the authority of their political parties,” Thaung Hlaing explained that if someone who does not represent the constituency will give the public speak, it can be done by the power sharing form.

However, the election campaign rule approved by the UEC is viewed that restricting Aung San Suu Kyi not to take part in the campaigning of her parties’ representatives’ constituencies. She gave speeches on behalf of her representatives in the previous by-election.

http://www.elevenmyanmar.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6737:commission-approves-drafted-election-campaign-rules-ignoring-political-parties-request&catid=32:politics&Itemid=354

Peace-talks Creation Group (PCG) Provide Transportation Services to Ethnic Armed Groups

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Peace-talks Creation Group (PCG) will be providing the transportation access to the ethnic armed groups’ leaders who will attend the summit of Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), according to the PCG.

The three-day meeting will be held in headquarter of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) in Laiza Township, Kachin State.

The PCG also supported transportation from Myitkyina to Laiza Townships to the leaders from ethnic armed groups who had attended the very first conference of ethnic armed groups held in Laiza by the end of October last year.

“Regarding the transportation services, PCG will be coordinating with the Kachin State Regional Government Committee, officials from Northern Command Headquarter as well as KIO,” said La Maing Guan Jar from PCG.
“We have known that the meeting will be held on July 24, 25 and 26. We have to be prepared on July 15 or 16. We, PCG, plan to hold a discussion at Myitkyina Township on July 15 or 16 matters on preparing of transportation services and accommodation of ethnic armed groups including those who will attend a meeting,” La Maing Guan Jar added.

He continued that we are going to use Myitkyina-Laiza motor road. When the time comes, we will present a schedule to the regional government and the Northern Command as well as the KIO.
Moreover, PCG will support the transportation services to the reporters who will cover the Laiza’s summit.

The Union Peace Working Committee is now drawing a ceasefire draft together with the delegates from NCCT.

Although the draft (second phase) had been drawn after ceasefire discussion held in April and May, the approvals of ethnic leaders concerning the disagreements are still up in the air; this summit is hoped to unify the differences.

“The government will assist those who want to hold the conferences and meetings between ethnic armed to bring positive views on nationwide ceasefire agreement,” Union Minister Aung Min told the ethnic delegates after a discussion between government and NCCT held on May 23.

http://www.elevenmyanmar.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=6732:pcg-to-provide-transportation-services-to-ethnic-armed-groups&catid=32:politics&Itemid=354

Achieving Myanmar's Energy Goal Will Be ‘Very Tough’: Report

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Myanmar faces a “very tough task” to achieve the Ministry of Electric Power’s ambition to develop a modern national energy infrastructure in the next 15 years, an industry report said.

The ministry has outlined plans to increase Myanmar's power-generating capacity to nearly 25,000 megawatts by 2030. At present, the national capacity is only 4,360 megawatts—barely one third of the capacity of tiny Singapore, which has a population of 5.3 million.

“Asia’s new economic frontier Myanmar, seeking to attract tens of billions of dollars in investment, is also one of the darkest places in the world with an electricity capacity which reaches only one in five of the estimated 60 million population,” said Asia Power Monitor, an international energy industry weekly newspaper.

“The Ministry of Energy has outlined vague plans for 40 power projects across the country to achieve the 2030 generating target—which is less than neighboring Thailand’s today with a similar population,” it said this week.

“Myanmar faces a very tough task in reaching its 2030 electricity goal without a huge injection of financial largesse from traditional donor countries like Japan and the string-attached loans of others, like China.”

Last December, the Asian Development Bank provided a loan of US$60 million to help pay for grid infrastructure repair and refurbishment, and the World Bank has provided $140 million in credit to finance refurbishment of a 106 megawatt gas-fueled plant in southern Burma’s Mon State.

The ministry has acknowledged that up to 20 percent of power generated is lost in transmission through decrepit equipment.

Even in the most populated Rangoon-Mandalay corridor, where much of the existing dilapidated transmission grid is installed, blackouts and restrictions are frequent, forcing thousands of businesses and factories to use back-up diesel generators. Large swathes of the country have no access to mains electricity and have to rely on age-old natural resources for energy.

“Traditional biomass and waste consisting of wood, charcoal, manure, and crop residues is widely utilized and accounts for about two-thirds of Burma’s primary energy consumption,” said a June report by the US Energy Information Administration.

“Such a poor level and standard of electricity is hampering efforts by government departments to attract big-name, big-ticket investors into the country,” said the Asia Power Monitor report. “A number of large foreign companies—from Japan to Indonesia—have voiced interest in investing in Myanmar, but after assessing prospects many have fallen silent.

“Beyond Myanmar’s traditional backer, China, and the generosity of Japan, it’s hard to see where the investment will come from to build capacity—and a new grid transmission infrastructure,” the report said.

The Ministry of Energy proposes a mix of energy resources, including coal and gas and renewable systems, but still with a considerable emphasis on hydropower dams, which are very unpopular in the country because of land losses and population relocation.

The ministry suggests that 37 percent of the 25,000 MW would come from hydropower, 20 percent would be fueled by natural gas, 33 percent by coal and the remainder from renewable energy sources.

At present, about 70 percent of Burma’s power is generated by river-based hydroelectric turbine systems. There are plans to build more such systems which would add 10,000 MW of capacity.

Work on one massive hydroelectric project with a capacity of 6,000 megawatts, at Myitsone on the Irrawaddy River, which feeds a large rice-growing delta, has been suspended by the President Thein Sein, at least until the end of his term in 2015.

The Myitsone project, in northern Kachin State, was commissioned by the last military regime in a secret deal with Chinese state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPIC), in which about 80 percent of the electricity would be transmitted out of the country to China’s Yunnan Province.

Similar large hydropower dams proposed for the Salween River in eastern Burma involve Thai firms who want to pump most of the electricity generated into Thailand.

“CPIC continues to press for a resumption of the Myitsone project, having already spent millions of dollars in land clearance, but in a more liberal environment after the military era vocal public opposition grows,” said Asia Power Monitor.

“The Naypyidaw government has already signaled that much more of the country’s future energy resource production, notably offshore natural gas, must be retained to fuel domestic economic revival, but it must also be careful not to offend China, one of its biggest backers. China has bought virtually all the 50 billion cubic meters of gas due to be pumped out of the Shwe field in the Bay of Bengal, and Thailand buys most of the gas from two other productive offshore fields.”

A recent study by London-based analysts Business Monitor International (BMI) concluded that much future investment in Burma is “significantly dependent” on the successful completion and smooth operation of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone.

Burma is suffering from a “severe deficit in infrastructure,” BMI said, and many overseas businesses are waiting to see how successful the Thilawa project turns out to be.

So far, the Burmese government has opted for quick-fix power boosts in the form of rented mobile units, such the 100-MW temporary gas-fueled power plant installed in the Mandalay region in June by APR Energy of Florida. The APR contract to supply electricity is for two years only, after which the equipment will be dismantled unless the contract is renewed.

A similar temporary boost to electricity supply is now planned for Kyaukphyu—the site of another planned special economic zone—where the government has just invited bids to supply a 50-MW gas-fueled mobile plant.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/business/achieving-burmas-energy-goal-will-tough-report.html

Karen Armed Groups United to Combat Illicit Drugs

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Leaders from six Karen armed groups have formed a task force in order to combat drug use and production in the eastern Burmese state.

The Karen National Union (KNU), Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA), Karen Peace Force (KPF) and Border Guard Force (BGF) met at the BGF’s headquarters in Shaw Koke Ko Myaing township in Myawaddy on 8 July.

They formed an anti-narcotic joint-committee and aim to introduce a drug-eradication programme by 15 July.

Col Saw Paw Doh, a battalion commander in the KNU’s armed wing Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), said the committee was formed at the request of civilians living in the state who are concerned about widespread drug use among young people.

“After this meeting, we will start taking action, and so I would like to advise those who are in the drug business to stop at once what they are doing,” he said.

Three representatives from each of the six armed groups will sit on the committee.

Alongside a drug-eradication programme, the task force say they will built two detention centres, one in Shwe Koke Ko Myaing and one in Hpa-an District, to incarcerate those charged with drug offences.

“Today we formed a joint-committee tasked with eradicating drugs and I would like to urge all the Karen youth and armed groups to assist with our efforts,” said Col Saw Chit Thu, BGF commander and chairman of the anti-narcotic joint-committee.

Karen State has been plagued by the effects of drug production for decades and as general trade with Thailand continues to increase, opportunities for drug smuggling have risen with it. Border crossings between Karen State and Thailand are a major gateway for the international trade of methamphetamine pills in particular, which also make there way into local towns.

Nan Khin Htwe Myint, the National League for Democracy’s Karen state chairperson, said the party has been receiving complaints from the public as to the rising drug problems of six of seven townships in eastern Burma.

“We received letters of complaint from members of the public about drug problems in almost every township [in Karen State]. We learnt that there are drug manufacturing businesses in Myawaddy while young students at schools in six of seven townships in the region are badly addicted to drugs,” she said.

According to the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG), methamphetamines, or ya-ba, are so widely available that pills are openly sold in small shops in Karen villages, which the group says is responsible and will lead to addiction and mental health problems.

And with drug addiction comes crime, says KHRG, who has documented multiple drug-related killings in the area.

Significantly implicated in that crime, say KHRG, are the ethnic armed groups themselves, despite each army’s stated efforts to quash the drug trade.

The Karen BFG, a group of ethnic militiamen under government control, are “primarily responsible for the production and sale of drugs, and for drug related violence,” according to KHRG.

DKBA leader Na Kham Mwe has a bounty placed on his capture by the Thai government for his alleged role in cross-border methamphetamines trafficking.

The villagers that appealed for a greater clampdown will hope that the unified effort may stem the flow of illicit drugs and the social problems that go with it.

http://www.dvb.no/dvb-video/karen-rebels-form-anti-narcotics-task-force-burma-myanmar/42220

Journalists Protesting Sentencing Barred From Thein Sein Event

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Journalists in Rangoon wearing t-shirts to protest the jailing of four reporters and the CEO of the Unity journal were refused entry to an event involving President Thein Sein, sparking protests and a boycott of the meeting by other media.

About two dozen journalists trying to cover an event at the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC) wore t-shirts on which were printed the words “Stop Killing Press.” They were barred from the event—in which the president was meeting with local celebrities—and proceeded to hold a silent demonstration, taping over their mouths to imply freedom of expression is being curtailed in Burma.

The demonstrating reporters said they wore the t-shirts to send a message of protest to Thein Sein over the sentences of 10 years with hard labor that were passed down to five people in Pakokku, Magwe Division, on Thursday. The conviction of the four journalists and the CEO of the Unity journal followed a lawsuit filed by the President’s Office accusing them of publishing state secrets and trespassing in relation to an article in January that said a military facility in Magwe was being used to produce chemical weapons.

The sentences have been denounced as harsh, and campaigners have pointed out that they are contradictory to the recently passed Press Law, which rules out prison sentences for journalists found to have broken the law in their work.

“The president should not misunderstand us,” said Shwe Hmon, one of the protesting journalists. “If the media is blacked out, the whole country will suffer. No one will benefit from it.”

She said reporters wearing the protest t-shirts were prevented by police from even entering the street on which the MPC is located. As a result, other journalists boycotted the event, during which the president met with movie stars, musicians and other people from the dramatic arts.

“Today we are showing our solidarity and that we all are fighting for media freedom in Burma,” said one photojournalist who joined the boycott.

Maung Maung Oo, the police security chief who barred the journalists, told The Irrawaddy that the reporters were turned away not because of the protest t-shirts but because they were not dressed “properly to cover the presidential event.”

“You shouldn’t cover an event where the head of the state is present wearing a t-shirt,” he said.

Myint Thien, one of the local journalists wearing the t-shirt, countered that they had not been informed of an official dress code for the event.

With only government-affiliated media inside the MPC’s meeting hall, other journalists stood in silence at the entrance to the building.

“Even murderers rarely get 10 years in prison in this country, but journalists do,” said Myint Thein, a local reporter. “I wonder if the government is targeting us for what we report.”

On Friday morning, dozens of journalists gathered at the prayer hall of the bronze sitting Buddha near the eastern stairway of Rangoon’s Shwedagon Pagoda to pray and release birds for the Unity journalists.

Also on Friday, the US-based group Freedom House issued a statement to condemning the sentences.

“Myanmar’s sentencing five journalists to 10 years imprisonment for doing their job is a huge blow for press freedom in Myanmar and reverses signs of positive change,” David J. Kramer, president of Freedom House, said in the statement.

Myanmar: IDPs in Kachin, Rakhine and the south-east face different challenges

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While Myanmar is proceeding with political and economic reforms and nationwide ceasefire negotiations, conflict in Kachin and northern Shan states is ongoing, and tensions in Rakhine persist. Up to 642,600 internally displaced people (IDPs) in these areas as well as the south-eastern part of the country still need support to rebuild their lives. During a recent mission to the country, IDMC’s Regional Analyst was able to identify some of the key issues that the different groups of IDPs in the country are faced with. These are analysed further in IDMC’s latest report.

Since the ceasefire agreements of 2011 and 2012 between the Government of Myanmar (officially known as the Government of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar) and most ethnic non-state armed groups (NSAGs) operating in the south-east, armed conflict has waned and the lives of people in this area have improved.

In particular, up to 400,000 people internally displaced there can now move around more freely without fearing for their safety, and they are able to pursue a wider variety of job options. As well as this, negotiations over a nationwide ceasefire agreement are in the process, and a second draft was agreed between the government and the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT) in May.

In Kachin state and the northern part of Shan state, however, there have been fresh waves of fighting since 2011 between the Myanmar Armed Forces, also referred to as Tatmadaw, and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) as well as with smaller non-state armed groups (NSAGs). Here, a staggering 98,000 people are internally displaced, with many having had to escape again and again as clashes have followed them from one place of refuge to another.

In April, for example, thousands were displaced, and for some of them this was the second or third time they have had to flee since the resumption of fighting in 2011. Two thirds of all IDPs in Kachin and northern Shan are currently in areas controlled by NSAGs that are often remote and isolated, which makes it challenging to get aid to them. Local aid organisations are stretched beyond their capacity, while UN agencies and other international organisations face government restrictions on accessing IDPs in areas outside of government control.

Restricted access for humanitarian organisations has also been a challenge in Rakhine state in the west of the country. Here around 140,000 people, most of them Rohingya Muslims, were forced to flee their homes in 2012 when inter-communal violence flared between the state’s Buddhists and Muslims, and they remain internally displaced to this day. Most of them are staying in camps which they are not allowed to leave. This severely limits their livelihood opportunities and access to education and primary health care.

In March, support to the displaced in Rakhine state was interrupted after an extremist Buddhist mob attacked the premises and property of international organisations in the town of Sittwe. Those organisations withdrew their staff from the state, but they are now returning and resuming their assistance to the IDPs. Challenges remain, however, as they are only allowed to establish themselves in one designated neighbourhood of Sittwe town, and there is simply not enough space for all organisations whose help is crucially needed.

The inter-communal violence and displacement in Rakhine state has to be understood against a backdrop of a long history of deprivation and neglect of all of the state’s inhabitants by the central government. In a context of political and socio-economic exclusion, local Buddhists have increasingly targeted their grievances against Rohingya and other Muslims. While Rohingya have lived in Rakhine state’s territory for generations, they are effectively stateless because the Myanmar government sees them as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants, while Bangladesh does not recognise them as Bangladeshis.

Durable solutions for Myanmar’s IDPs?
While the complexity of each of these situations must not be underestimated, the following elements are key for Myanmar’s IDPs to achieve durable solutions:

In Rakhine state, internally displaced people will only be able to rebuild their lives if a process of reconciliation between Buddhists and Muslims is initiated. Ideally, such a process would be linked to concrete steps to address the needs of all of the state’s inhabitants, particularly in terms of economic development and political representation. This, in turn, would help prevent further tensions, violence and, ultimately, future displacement.

In Kachin and northern Shan, international organisations should be granted unfettered access to IDPs, including those in areas controlled by NSAGs. Only measures taken by both sides will prevent further displacement, and ensure that these areas are included in the nationwide ceasefire agreement currently being developed. Further, the existence of landmines and unexploded ordnance prevents IDPs from going home. These need to be cleared so that they can safely return if they choose to do so. In addition, it is essential that internally displaced people receive the support they need to get their lives back on track.

In the south-eastern part of the country, it is hard to know the exact numbers of internally displaced people in the area because displacement has been going on for a long time and because it is difficult to distinguish IDPs from people who are not displaced. More organisations currently present on the ground should strive to gain a better overview of the numbers of people still facing challenges resulting from their displacement, and of their current situation.

Lastly, in order to facilitate peace-building, it is imperative that the government and the NCCT consult IDPs and enable them to participate more in the ceasefire and peace negotiations so that their needs can be addressed as part of this complex process that is happening in tandem with comprehensive nation- and state-building at this time.
There is no one-size-fits-all solution to Myanmar’s different situations of internal displacement – each needs to be analysed and addressed within its own respective context. Only then will the country’s IDPs be able to rebuild their lives in a sustainable way.

For more information on the internal displacement situation in Myanmar, please see IDMC’s latest country overview: Comprehensive solutions needed for recent and long-term IDPs alike

Myanmar's Forgotten WWII Heroes

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Former guerrilla fighter Saw Noe served the British "in a most loyal and wholehearted fashion", one of the British officers he served with wrote in a letter of recommendation dated August 27, 1945, a week before the Japanese surrendered.

"He organised working parties and elephant and coolie transport, advising me soundly on many matters concerning the Karen people," the officer said of Saw Noe, a member of eastern Myanmar's Karen tribe. "Undoubtedly his work contributed a large measure to the success against the enemy in this region."

At 95, he is frail and bedridden, but Saw Noe lights up with pride when he talks of his days fighting the Japanese in World War II Burma, now known as Myanmar.

He served with British officers behind enemy lines, looking after stores and collecting the arms and food supplies that were dropped by parachute twice a week into the jungle where his guerrilla unit of Karen tribesmen hid.

At one time, he recalls, a man-eating tiger prowled around their camp each night, but they were unable to shoot it for fear of giving their position away to the Japanese. Instead, they captured and killed it in a trap made from sharpened bamboo stakes.

Decades later, despite being abandoned by the British whom they served so loyally, Saw Noe talks fondly of colonial rule and their wartime experiences.

Sitting in a simple house where he lives with relatives in Loikaw, eastern Myanmar, Saw Noe said: "The British people and the British government love the Karen, I know."

The Allied victory in Burma owed a lot to men like Saw Noe and his comrades in the Karen hills, according to historians and the British officers who served with them.

Japan vs Karen

When the Japanese invaded in 1942, they presented themselves as liberators from the much despised colonial rule, and were welcomed by many Burmese nationalists. The Burma Independence Army, led by General Aung San - later the first leader of independent Burma, and the father of today's icon of democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi - aided the Japanese invasion, though it later switched sides.

However, some tribes in the frontier areas, including the Karen, remained fiercely loyal to the British. They had been favoured under colonial rule, and many followed Christian beliefs. The Japanese advanced quickly, forcing the British to retreat to India, but some British officers volunteered to stay behind and others were later parachuted in to organise resistance forces in the mountains and jungles of eastern Burma.

Thousands of these Karen volunteers served alongside British officers, who forged close bonds with them. Some officers actively supported their calls for a separate homeland after the war, but the Karen lands were included in the borders of an independent Burma in 1948.

Historic tensions between the majority Burmese and the Karen heightened due to the war. Soon after Burma's independence, the Karen launched an armed insurgency to fight for their own state or greater autonomy - a struggle that continues today, despite a ceasefire signed in 2012. Successive military governments have tried to crush the separatist movement, forcing many to flee across the border to Thailand.

Around 130,000 refugees, mostly Karen, live in camps along the border to this day. The Karen who fought with the British often got singled out for persecution.

Sally Steen, a British mother-of-three, runs a small charity that helps the veterans in the UK. She has been working with them since 1998, when she met a former soldier on a trip to Thailand who asked her to "inform his officers" of his extreme poverty.

"For them, it's as if the war has never ended," Steen said.

Inspired by her meeting with the veteran, she founded the charity Help 4 Forgotten Allies, which now helps several hundred veterans and their widows in Myanmar.

Forgotten by the British government

Steen's campaign has attracted support from the British public, including the sons and daughters of British officers who fought in Burma, as well as the popular wartime singer Dame Vera Lynn, now 97, who acts as a patron. The surviving veterans and their widows receive no pension from the British government and many live in desperate poverty. The small grants given out by H4FA each year allows them to buy a few "luxuries" such as extra food, medicine, warm clothing, coffee, and soap.

A UK Ministry of Defence spokesman declined to comment for this story.

"For the forgotten old soldiers and widows in Burma, life has been and is increasingly hard," said Steen. "Cut off by the military regime from contact with the outside world for many years, branded as colonial lackeys and marginalised accordingly, they are pathetically poor. Their needs in extreme old age are for nourishing food and medical treatment. We are trying to meet these needs."

Regardless, many former fighters remain unwavering in their warm feelings for the British.

Saw Tun Thein, 86, said he joined up to fight with the British "because they are straight and honest - like the Karen". He said his father had also served with the British army during World War I, when he was stationed in Malaya.

Despite being very old and dirt poor, the old soldiers and their families were almost without exception generous, kind, cheerful, friendly and loyal.

- Duncan Gilmour, Colonel Edgar Peacok's grandson

Abrahim Le Ngin, 91, recalled how the Japanese had suspected him and his uncle of being British spies and threatened to burn down their village if they weren't handed over. When the Japanese troops returned the following evening, he led a party of guerrillas who ambushed them and shot them dead.

Abraham's brother Solomon was only 12 or 13 but lied about his age when he volunteered towards the end of the war. He assisted a wireless operator, and his job was to charge the radio's battery by cranking a small engine by hand. Now 80, the devout Roman Catholic - one daughter is a nun at the Vatican - recalls how he witnessed three battles, and speaks with pride of his wartime role helping to drive out the Japanese.

"All the people wanted the British to come back at that time," he said.

One of the most prominent British officers in the area around Loikaw was Lt Colonel Edgar Peacock, a former forestry official and old Burma hand who won the deep respect and affection of his men. His grandson, Duncan Gilmour, is a supporter of Help 4 Forgotten Allies and last year visited some of the surviving veterans in the area, including Saw Noe.

"I knew that my grandfather had a great deal of respect and affection for many of the tribes that make up the population of Burma but none more so than the [Karen], and it was veterans from this tribe that I predominantly met," said Gilmour, a pilot from southern England. "I can only say that I very quickly came to share this affection. Despite being very old and dirt poor, the old soldiers and their families were almost without exception generous, kind, cheerful, friendly, and loyal. I began to understand how it was that many of the British officers had felt so outraged at the abandonment of the Karen people after the war."

He added: "The veterans don't complain. They seem to still regard themselves as a part of the British army, albeit retired, and they are loyal to the crown ... I really cannot wait to return to see them again."

Boating Through Bago Paddy Fields, Myanmar

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Boating Through Bago Paddy Fields, Myanmar: Once every year, this sleepy provincial town in Bago Division sees a throng of visitors.

Under cloudy skies on the Full Moon Day of Waso, thousands of Buddhists from Rangoon and the divisional capital Bago descend upon the town of Ka Wa to pay homage to Khamae Pyin Bo Bo Gyi, a local guardian spirit long believed to offer blessings of safety, prosperity and good health.

The town is about 22 miles from Bago, and when visitors arrive for the holiday, they look forward to another joyous activity: throwing water at each other during a boat-ride through flooded paddy fields on the way to the guardian spirit’s shrine.

Though the shrine is accessible by road, young people especially prefer to park their cars along the road a few miles away. Instead of driving, they hire small wooden boats to navigate the fields that are already overflowing with monsoon rains, playfully splashing each other along the way.

“As far as I’m concerned, there is no specific relation between the festival and water throwing,” one of the festival-goers explained during the boat trip.

“You are on a boat, around you there is lot of water and people. We throw water at each other just for fun,” he said.

Another young girl chimed in: “That’s why we left our car beside the road!”

http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/multimedia-burma/buddhist-tradition-boating-bago-paddy-fields.html

Yangon’s Dangerous Overhead Power lines to be Replaced

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Yangon’s Dangerous Overhead Power lines to be Replaced: Following a spate of recent deaths from falling electricity lines, a program to replace dangerous overhead lines will soon begin, said a spokesperson of the Yangon City Electricity Supply Board.

U Toe Aung, secretary of the YESB, an organisation under the Ministry of Electric Power, told Mizzima on July 14 that his organisation took responsibility for the recent incidents and would replace all lines deemed to be dangerous with new ones.

Yangon Regional Hluttaw MP Dr Nyo Nyo Thin (Independent, Bahan township) said that if the program did not start soon then she would introduce a proposal to the regional hluttaw for money to come from the emergency budget.

“There is money in the emergency budget and the Ministry of Electric Power has foreign aid at its disposal, why is this not employed for the safety of Yangon’s residents,” said Dr Nyo Nyo Thin.

Eleven News reported that three women were killed and a child injured when an electricity cable fell in a marketplace in Hlaingtharyar township on July 11, they also reported at two additional fatal incidents involving falling electricity cables during the month of June.

http://mizzima.com/mizzima-news/myanmar/item/11762-yangon-s-dangerous-overhead-power-lines-to-be-replaced

Myanmar Goes To School in Big D

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A distinctive group of 18 visitors at the George W. Bush Presidential Center this month were not the usual tourists in shorts and jogging shoes hoping to get their photo taken in the replica of the Oval Office.

More than a third of them had been in prison -- for protesting military control in their country. One had to leave her family behind in a war zone to go to school in safety.

One was a Muslim whose family had gone into hiding after anti-Muslim hate speech boiled into bloody riots this summer.

One was a Christian who was working to stop the destruction of rivers and teak forests. One was a Buddhist who wanted to encourage more women to run for office.

Whatever their differences, they had this in common: They were all democracy advocates from Burma, also known as Myanmar.

The 18 democracy supporters were selected from a highly-competitive group of applicants to become the first class of "Young Leaders" receiving specialized leadership training at the Bush Institute in Dallas. The idea is to give a new generation of leaders the kind of knowledge and skills they will need to take their country to a true democracy.

Although many people may think that Burma has completed a transition to democracy in recent years, the truth is that the military still controls all the top government positions and the Parliament. Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has so far been thwarted by the military from seeking the presidency and the chance to make more reforms.

Although controls on the economy have indeed been loosened, attacks on ethnic areas have continued. Land confiscation has continued. Rapes by soldiers still go unpunished. And reporters are still being sent to prison -- some just for protesting the arrests of other journalists. In recent months, violence against Muslims has rocked the country. The much-persecuted Royhinga minority members have been herded into concentration camp-like holding areas, triggering global condemnation of a potential genocide.

Burma is at an inflection point as the country nears a general election in 2015. Shadowy powers are believed to be stoking the fires of religious nationalism -- "Burma for Buddhists" -- to preserve their privileged status. At the same time, foreign companies such as GE, MasterCard, Ford, Caterpillar, Hilton Hotels and yes, Starbucks, are rushing in looking for an exotic new market.

The contrasts as the country grapples with change are jarring: You can now rent a cell phone at the airport, get cash at an ATM, and get a fine French meal at a five-star hotel. But drug production of heroin and methamphetamines is skyrocketing. This month Burma was ranked one of the worst countries in the world for abusive treatment of minority populations.

The Young Leaders program couldn't come at a more needed time. Students are getting a crash course in practical leadership skills as well as the principles of liberal democracy and free markets. They're reading the foundational thoughts of John Locke and James Madison along with the economic theories of Adam Smith and the speeches of presidents from Lyndon Johnson to Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama. They visited George Washington's historic home at Mount Vernon and watched the Fourth of July fireworks light the skies over America's mall (the one with the monument to Abraham Lincoln, not the one with sales). And for fun, they rode a mechanical bull at the Mesquite Rodeo.

The program was cheered on by former President George W. Bush and Laura Bush, who are longtime supporters of democracy in Burma. The Bushes invited the Burmese to dinner and came by their classroom at the Bush Institute to provide encouragement before the former president left to undergo a knee replacement.

Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice spoke to the Burmese by video conference from her office at Stanford University. She noted that democracy can take time and pointed out that the U.S. had its own difficulties coming to the concept of equal rights. She said that her parents could not go to restaurants or movie theaters in Alabama for many years and her father could not vote as recently as 1952. "But differences can be overcome, prejudices do not have to remain," she told them. "You are the leaders who can make this happen."

As their weeks of study were coming to a close, the Burmese were anxious to go home and have rice and green tea instead of Texas-sized sandwiches and iced tea. They were ready to lug their four-inch thick notebooks home and share their training with others. One of them, who had been imprisoned for five years for protesting military violence against monks, said she would be teaching classes on civic participation. "I don't think it will be easy," she said. "People have been brainwashed; they have been born and grew up and lived in fear. We have to change the people's mindset to make things better than before."

"We are not a real democracy yet," observed another group member. He had to flee the country at one point for providing videos of military abuse to journalists. Now he has returned to make a documentary about the current transition period and said, "Hopefully, it will get better."

Another class member, who grew up in a home without electricity, TV, telephone, or plumbing, went on to graduate from law school. "You are living freely and without fear here," she said. "But inside Burma we didn't have any freedom, so I didn't have a chance to produce what is freedom. Now I will."

When the Bush Institute took the group to the Trail Dust Steak House to celebrate, the staff advised the Burmese men that they needed to wear a necktie because of the dress code. The staffers distributed some ties obtained at Goodwill. What the Burmese didn't know was that the steakhouse has a rowdy tradition of cutting off neckties to keep the atmosphere "cowboy casual."

When the group entered the restaurant, bells were rung and it was announced over a loud-speaker, "We've got some lawbreakers here!" As their new neckties were snipped in half, the Burmese laughed uproariously as they caught on to the joke. In their country, they had seen much oh so much worse happen after alarms. They had learned a long time ago that laughter drives out fear -- and to be prepared for anything.

Rena Pederson, a former State Department speechwriter, is the author of "The Burma Spring: Aung San Suu Kyi and the New Struggle for the Soul of Nation," to be published by Pegasus Books in January 2015.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rena-pederson/burma-goes-to-school-in-b_b_5586134.html

Tech Scene in Myanmar Hinges on Cellphone Grid

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NY Times: Images of Steven P. Jobs and Mark Zuckerberg adorn the walls of Myo Myint Kyaw’s creative digital agency. He says they inspire him. But he imagines neither man ever worked in an environment where Internet connections were so unreliable that a “file transfer” often involved delivering electronic documents across town by taxi.

In Myanmar, that is often faster than using email.

Mr. Kyaw said the start of a website for an American client based in Thailand involved an upload that took seven hours — a process that would have taken just minutes elsewhere. On another occasion, a client had to fly from Malaysia to hand-deliver high-resolution photographs that proved too large to send electronically.

But Mr. Kyaw, 29, the founder and chief executive of Revo Tech, remains optimistic about Myanmar’s technology scene. And thanks to a rapidly developing cellphone network, he predicts such technical difficulties may soon be in the past. Even better, he says, it presents a huge opportunity for mobile apps and web development.

“It won’t be like Silicon Valley even in five or 10 years,” he said. “But maybe in three to four years time we can catch up to Singapore.”

Limited telephone and Internet infrastructure, and decreasing smartphone costs, mean most of Myanmar’s 60 million people will experience the Internet for the first time through cellphones. The biggest growth potential, Mr. Kyaw says, is for mobile and web services relating to tourism, transportation and e-commerce.

Although broadband Internet prices have declined in the last two years, they remain high. Installation costs the equivalent of about $500, and the monthly rate for a 1 megabyte-per-second connection is about $70; the monthly rate for a connection twice as fast is $120. That is steep in a country where per capita gross domestic product was about $1,700 in 2013.

By contrast, a smartphone — and the Wi-Fi access it brings — can cost as little as $43, increasing the demand for mobile apps and services in Myanmar.

Next month, Revo Tech will introduce its first proprietary app, which will let children practice writing the Myanmar script by tracing letters on screen.

“We’re going to revolutionize the way our kids learn how to write Myanmar,” said Mr. Kyaw, describing the iPad app.

A Yangon-based Australian, David Madden, has similar socially conscious ideas. Mr. Madden founded Code for Change Myanmar and organized the country’s first hackathon, a gathering of developers to tackle a problem, in March. He said he hoped to “inspire the technology community and support the community to get excited about social innovation work.”

Assigned to create a technological solution to one of eight social problems presented by nongovernmental organizations, the winning team developed an Android app that allows farmers to share and receive alerts about pests and diseases from nearby farmers and the government. Mr. Madden said the team was discussing fully developing the app.

Continue reading the main story
The growth of Myanmar’s telecommunications industry offers a potentially lucrative vein of work for developers. In June 2013, Myanmar’s government awarded Ooredoo Qatar and the Telenor Norway 15-year licenses to expand the country’s limited network. Ninety-two companies from around the world bid for the work, estimated to be worth about $2 billion.

A 2012 report by the Swedish telecom giant Ericsson estimates growth in the telecommunications industry could contribute as much as 7.4 percent of Myanmar’s gross domestic product over three years and employ 66,000 people full time.

Eric E. Schmidt, Google’s executive chairman, told an audience here in March 2013 that Myanmar was about to “leapfrog 20 years of difficult-to-maintain infrastructure and go straight to the most modern architecture.”

But the lack of affordable and reliable Internet connections that is driving demand for mobile apps is also a major hurdle for Myanmar’s technology community. Thiha Aye Kyaw, 20, an Android app developer who works from home here, said of the first time he used a tablet: “I feel like I’m into the future, from what I’ve been using. That large screen, everything you can do with it.”

Like many other developers, he is self-taught and relies on online resources to keep up with technological developments. However, watching a YouTube video, for instance, can be painful with a slow Internet connection that crashes regularly.

“I have to download them with download managers overnight,” he said.

The industry also lacks experienced developers. Myo Myint Kyaw of Revo Tech said he had been looking for a web designer for more than a year, but could not find qualified talent.

“What happens in Myanmar is, they get a computer science degree, then they work in an agency, or come to our agency, to get experience,” he said. “Once they think they are good enough, they go to Singapore.” Developers can earn $1,600 to $3,200 a month in Singapore, compared with $500 to $600 for senior developers in Myanmar.

Even when programmers create a popular app, distribution can be a problem. Three years ago, Thiha Aye Kyaw created an Android app for typing with the Burmese Zawgyi font. But he could not sell it on Google Play because the platform was not available in Myanmar at the time. Google Play was, until recently, completely blocked, and not all iTunes functions are available to users in Myanmar.

Thiha Aye Kyaw worked around the problem by making his app available on local websites. He said it had been downloaded more than 100,000 times, largely relying on word of mouth. He made no money, but said he did not mind because he had earned recognition. Last year he worked as a consultant to help Samsung develop Myanmar-language support for mobile devices.

“They know me,” Thiha Aye Kyaw said of prospective clients. “They know my value, which is more priceless than money can buy.”

Soe Naung Win, 31, owns a mobile phone shop in Yangon and is helping consumers. The lack of international credit cards and limited access to iTunes and Google Play makes it difficult to download apps and pay for additional features.

Continue reading the main storyContinue reading the main storyContinue reading the main story
“There is no Myanmar iTunes yet, so we created a fake U.S. iTunes account,” said Mr. Win, who holds a medical degree and retrained as a software developer. “After that, we can use an iTunes gift card to redeem the gift card code.” A friend in the United States buys iTunes gift cards and sends Mr. Win the codes, which he resells at a small profit.

This use of gift cards, applied around the world to circumvent geographic licensing restrictions, allows people in Myanmar to make purchases. In a similar fashion, developers who sell apps rely on relatives and friends living abroad to collect payments on their behalf.

The hope is that the next wave of infrastructure investment will help drive more technology businesses. Although neither Telenor nor Ooredoo would disclose a date for its networks to begin operations, each aims for the last quarter of 2014. Telenor plans to introduce 3G and the older, slower 2G networks. Ooredoo has chosen an all-3G strategy.

While mobile phones are already widely available, users are excited about improved connectivity from the thousands of towers the two telecoms are building across the country and the release of more SIM cards. Only a limited number of cards are available through a lottery system for 1,500 kyats, or about $1.50, from the state-owned Myanmar Post and Telecommunications. On the black market, cards can cost $80 to $100.

“There is huge pent-up demand,” said Ooredoo Myanmar’s chief executive, Ross Cormack.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/14/business/international/tech-scene-in-myanmar-hinges-on-cellphone-grid.html?partner=rssnyt&emc=rss&_r=0

Suu Kyi meets UK, U.S. and Aussie Envoys

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Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi received U.S. Ambassador Derek J. Mitchell, British Ambassador Andrew Patrick and Australian Ambassador Bronte Moules on July 14 in the capital Nay Pyi Taw.

No details have yet been released about the meeting which started at around 1 p.m. on Monday, however political commentators have speculated that it must have been significant to involve all three foreign envoys.

“They seem to be mediating differences between Suu Kyi and the government. But it’s also possible that they would approach Suu Kyi to persuade her to be more supportive of the current government. These are just my estimations,” said Dr Yan Myo Thein, who writes articles on political issues.

The government has been under pressure as a result of a nation-wide campaign to amend the current constitution led by the National League for Democracy and other political groups.
Suu Kyi has attracted hundreds of thousands in various public rallies underlining her widespread popular support despite being banned by the current charter from contesting in next years election.
Civic groups and non-governmental organisations have urged the international community stop praising President Thein Sein’s administration after escalating communal violence, media repression and increasing land grabbing and corruption.

Last week’s sentencing of an executive and four journalists from the Unity Journal to ten years of hard labour for reporting on a secret military complex has led to an international outcry.
The Committee to Protect Journalists has released a statement urging western countries to stop commending Myanmar’s reforms and U.S. lawmakers have also asked President Obama to review his government’s relationship with Myanmar.

Oxford University Strengthens Ties in Myanmar

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Irrawaddy: Less than one year after reopening its doors to undergraduates, Myanmar’s most prominent institution of higher education is strengthening ties with the University of Oxford in England, where opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi studied in the 1960s and earned an honorary degree in 2012.

The renowned British university signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Tuesday with the University of Rangoon, pledging to increase collaboration over the next three years in a wide range of activities, from research and faculty training to the development of curriculum.

With funding from the British government, Suu Kyi’s health and education trust fund, the Open Society Foundations and other organizations, Oxford has already spent US$150,000 on projects at the Rangoon university this year and hopes funding will keep pace through 2017, according to Nick Rawlins, pro-vice-chancellor of development and external affairs at the British university, who says the partnership will likely be extended after that. “We’re in it for the long run,” he told The Irrawaddy in Rangoon on Wednesday.

Before a military dictatorship took control of Burma in 1962, the University of Rangoon was one of the most prestigious centers of learning in Southeast Asia. Over the next half century, however, military regimes invested little in education and eventually shut down urban campuses, in a bid to stop student activists from organizing protests. Undergraduates were only allowed to return to the Rangoon university in December last year, after a quasi-civilian government took power in 2011 and pledged to reform the country’s education system.

Oxford was asked to assist with that effort by Suu Kyi, who studied philosophy, politics and economics at the English university between 1964 and 1967. She also lived in Oxford for years with her late husband Michael Aris, who was an Oxford scholar, and their two sons.

In a speech to accept her honorary degree from the university in 2012, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate said she drew strength from memories of student life while she was held under house arrest by Burma’s former regime.

She recalled a happy outing with friends on the River Cherwell and hours spent reading on a campus lawn. “These were very precious memories—because I had lived a happy life. And this made me understand so much better the young people of Burma—who wanted to live a happy life and who had never been given an opportunity to lead one,” she said.

“University life has been shattered because of a perceived need to keep students in order. I would like to see university life restored to Burma in all its glory. And I would be so grateful if my old university, the University of Oxford, could help to bring this about once again.”

In March this year, heads of departments from the University of Rangoon traveled to meet their counterparts at Oxford. Now, with funding from telecoms giant Ooredoo, which has supported various education initiatives in Burma, eight students from Oxford are visiting Burma this month to teach English language classes to incoming freshmen at the Rangoon university. Oxford also plans to facilitate faculty exchanges and to help more Burmese students study in England on scholarships.

In a bid to improve library resources, Oxford has donated 6,000 modern law books to the Rangoon university and plans to ship another 3,400 science books, while its university press has made some resources freely available to the Burmese students.

On Thursday, a delegation from Oxford will travel to Burma’s second-biggest city to sign another MoU with the University of Mandalay, for collaboration in the sciences and geology departments. Later this week the delegation will meet with Burma’s deputy minister of education in Naypyidaw. Rawlins, the pro-vice-chancellor, said Oxford was encouraging the government to allow universities greater autonomy, and added that he believed the Ministry of Education also wanted universities to take more responsibility.

Since 2011, the University of Rangoon has forged partnerships with other institutions of learning, including universities in the United States, Australia and Japan. But Khin Mar Mar Kyi, a social anthropologist and gender scholar, says Oxford holds a special place in the minds of Burmese academics.

“If you ask Burmese people, we don’t really think about any other university, Oxford is our dream,” said the scholar, who began a fellowship at the English university this year. She added that the extra assistance for education was warmly welcomed in Burma. “Everyone has a dream of moving back up to the status that Yangon [Rangoon] University used to have.”

Oxford has also established partnerships with universities in other countries, with major programs focused on mathematics and the physical sciences in the Middle East and China, but Rawlins said the partnership in Burma was broader and that it targeted the needs of the Burmese. “Helping teach English skills to students, helping to develop the curriculum, helping with policy and strategy, and carrying out research programs—there’s nowhere else in the world where we do this,” he said.

Rawlins, who has traveled to Burma twice before, says the Rangoon university has already “changed spectacularly” over the past year. “When I arrived,” he said of his first visit, “the buildings were blackened on the outside, there was scaffolding. The library had great people in it but not many resources. There were no undergraduates and I had to have a special letter of invitation from the ministry to be allowed in. …This third time, more buildings are looking good, the campus is looking better, and there are undergraduates all over.”

He said he was confident the university would one day be able to reclaim its reputation as a premiere institution of learning in the region. “It was that good, and it can be at least that good again,” he said.

http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/oxford-university-strengthens-ties-burma.html
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